Since he started as a postgraduate, Alaricp has been taking pretty much all his academic notes electronically. It occurred to him that although they were written for personal use only, they might conceivably be useful to people searching the Internet for full references to texts, half-remembered quotations, or all sorts of other stuff. He's just dumped the material into a low-memory, largely unformatted shape (so italics and probably most special characters have been lost). Hopefully there's nothing here that's too libellous, or precious intellectual property of Alaric's own :-)
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Abdou, Angela, âSpeech and Power in Old English Conversion Narrativesâ,
Florilegium, 17 (2000), 195â212. Some irritating inaccuracies: âBased
loosely on Felixâs Vita Sancti Guthlaci, the two related poems which
are known as Guthlac A and Guthlac B demonstrate the way in which...â--B
surely not basedloosely (204); âThe use of heroic diction does suggest
action, a war of words, but it is the devils, not Guthlac, who choose
this particular battlefieldâ (204)--rubbish. Brief emph on heroic
diction (of which much more than in the Latin of courseâ204â5).
Citing Cherniss 1972, 218. âThe two main temptations in the poem exactly
recapitulate two of the temptations of Christ: they ae Guthlacâs being
lifted into the air, a temptation to exalt himself in pride, and his
being taken down to the gates of hell, a temptation to despairâ (205).
206â7 kind of interesting thing about Guthlac rereading eventsâdemons
say âweâll take you into the air to see bad stuff; narrator says
he sees bad stuff; G says âI saw the bright light of heavenâ c.
487; âGuthlacâs rereadings enable him to endure otherwise unbearable
situationsâ (207). Devils manipulate language (ie they lifre): 208â9.
But Glc himself can use commissives, expressives and declarationsâbut
not directives or declarations â cos thatâs Bartholemewâs job and
Godâs. Speech isnât action unless itâs godâs. (207â10). John Abercromby, The Pre- and Proto-Historic Finns, Both Eastern
and Western, with The Magic Songs, 2 vols (London: Nutt, 1898), II 356â57
(no. 215) Abernethy, George W., âThe Germanic Metrical Charmsâ (Diss. University of Wisconsin, 1983). [Bragg 1998 calls him Abernathyâcheck) Eds of OE charms as in Dobbie but omits 1 and 11 cos of space; also of OHG/early MHG charms but omits 2nd merseberg charm. 1â5 re silly previous assumptions re dating and utter difficulty. Typology, refs to paganism, language etc. all in these texts no use. 8â9 dismisses âsubstitution theoryâ of emending out saintsâ names in charms for pagan gods instead. Obviously a rubbish theory, but perhaps should be mentioned and so distinguished from reading of saintsâ narratives as serving same social functions as elvesâa substitution theory of a different sort. 5â11 discussion and dismissal of efforts to take charms as âpaganâ in any meaningful wayâwhooly a part of Xian culture. Worth citing together with 1â5 (or as cf. for dating), but probably superceded by Jolly. 11â15 metre. Nothing very incisive but points up range of variation, heavy use of rhyme and allit. mixtures esp. in OHGâsounds a bit like Chron poems. Drift into alliterative proseâwhatever the distinction may be. with dw. metrical bit he gives as Re 9 herbs charm, discussion and commentary 50â79; text 17â20, trans 21â23. incl 31â35 as numbered here (p. 18): wyrm com snican toslat he nan. ða genam woden. viiii. wuldortanas sloh ðaĂŸa nĂŠddran ĂŸĂŠt heo on viiii . tofleah ĂŸĂŠr geĂŠndade ĂŠppel ond attor ĂŸĂŠt heo nĂŠfre ne wolde on hus bugan + Looks pretty well done. Wuldortanas 67â68 lists speculation and
Page JBAA 3rd ser. 27 vs this; âThere is no reason to believe that
this passage refers to runes in any way; much simpler is to take the
wuldortanas to be the nine herbs themselves, with which Woden metaphorically
âstrikesâ the wyrmâ (68). Wið ðy section noted as parallel to
Bartie 18â19, geblĂŠd section being on 19. her com ingangan. in spiderwiht hĂŠfde him his haman on handa cwÊð ĂŸĂŠt ĂŸu his hĂŠncgest wĂŠre lege ĂŸe his teage an sweoran ongunnan him of ĂŸĂŠm lande liĂŸan. sona swa hy of ĂŸĂŠm lande coman ĂŸa ongunnan him ĂŸa lipu[sic] acolian [note 15 p. 25: âhīðaliĂŸau[u over a]colianâ] ĂŸa com ingangan deores sweostaro ĂŸa geĂŠndade[actually macron on g and no following e, n. 17] heo. and aðas swor ðÊt nĂŠfre ĂŸis ðÊm [n. 18 ĂŸĂŠ[mcr ĂŠ], above lineâ] adlegan [n. 18 âadlegan, second a corrected from n; final ân added above lineâ] derian ne moste ne [n. 19 âne added above lineâ] ĂŸĂŠm ĂŸe ĂŸis galdor begytan mihte. oððe ĂŸe ĂŸis galdor ongalean cuĂŸe. [25] amen fiað (ed. 24â25) Trans as âagainst a dwarfâ (26). Commentary 79â93. Goes with fever interpretation of sickness in question (79â80). Wið fĂŠr ed. 27â28. trans 29 and goes for âof if it were a shot
of witchesâ with no comment there. Commentary etc. 93â113. likes
rheumatism (93â94); headache idea possible but doesnât leap out
(94); cf.able re severity that needs to be assumed and which precludes
stitch interpretation. 94â95 lays into commentators assuming its paganness
and even primitive pagannessaâuseful survey of past scholarship. âThere
is no real obstacle to viewing E.4 [wið fÊr] as an overtly Chistian
charmâ (95, cf. 95â96). Habit of scholars to separate into several
charms 96â98). âIn my view it does seem reasonable to view all of
the lines of E.4 as a single charm intended to overcome a sharp pain,
but it must be admitted that the structure and internal logic is not
particularly clearâ (98)âthis claim seems to have involved sticking
neck out! NB feferfuige as spelling metathesis for feferfugie (100,
citing prior authorities). NB problems with berĂŠddanâusually âdispossess,
deprive, betrayâ (104). Goes with âthey, screaming, sent spearsâ,
âcos âthe author of the charm does not otherwise separate closely
related alements across the caesura, and the phrase âthey screamingâ
explains nicely why they were hlude, as described in l. 1â (105).
Smiths 105â107; surveys the opions for and against their friendliness;
âFinally, Doskow (PLL 12, p. 324) argued that taking the smith of
l. 14 as friendly âraises many more questions than it answers. Why
should the description in the first section of the attacking forces
be interrupted by the introduction of an allied force?â Doskowâs
reading is perhaps the most attractive on thematic and structural grounds,
but given the terseness of the allusions to the smiths and the likelihood
of textual corruption in the next line (see note below) it is not possible
to dertermine with absolute certainty whether the smiths are to be seen
as fabricators of weapons for defense against the demonic shots, or
whether they are actually part of the problem which the charm seeks
to remedyâ (107). Note on semantics of hĂŠgtessan 109 (preferring
âsorceressâ), but no comment on number! 110 alas parrots the usual
2ndry refs to folklore on elf-shot re ylfa gescot. wĂŠterĂŠlfadl ed. 39â40; trans 36, goes for âwater-elf diseaseâ
(36âNB out of order in thesis!), commentary 133â43. 133â35 on
semantics of wĂŠterĂŠlfadl; some folks think itâs the same as wĂŠterseocness,
wĂŠterbolla, wĂŠteradl, going with âdropsyâ, others that itâs
different. in commenatry note just says âA triple compound of wĂŠter
+ ĂŠlf + adl, i.e., âwater-elf diseaseâ â (137). Commentary on bee charm 143â57 re sigewif 155â57; âA hapax
legomenon, apparently meaning âvictory-womanâ. I take it to refer
to the queen bee. Comparisons with the valkyries of ON myth were inevitableâ
(155), good survey on and down on the idea due to no ev. ï Citable
if this comes up, then. Wen charm ed. 48, from facs of Royal MS 4A.XIV folio 106b (ed. numbers lines 1â13) (see Ker catalogue p. 320; trans 49; commentary etc. 167â: 177â78 on wenchichenne, seems to like the chicken ideaâlack of pal. in modern chicken is the weird thing, not the OE pal. 179â81 re nihgan berhge which seems to have cuased all sorts of problems. Weird. Goes totally for nighan as from neah and Iâm with him even if this demands different quality for <hg> than in berhge. âA so-far overlooked possibility is that berhge may here have its other common meaning âbarrow, burial place, tombâ ⊠rather than âhill, mountainâ. The former would make good sense in context since the charm-user is attempting to kill the wenâ (181). Cf. vs. Scneiderâ\s reading which is heavy on Norse comparisons, âSchneiderâs interpretation has nothing to recommend it, based as it is upon textual emedation, strained readings of key words, and upon the assumption that allusive pagan Gmc. imagery could exist in a charm which shows every sign of having been composed late in the OE period. I understand the charm as follows ⊠ll. 1â5 are an attempt to banish the wen to ĂŸan nihgan berhge (berhge perhaps having the meaning âburial moundâ, an appropriate place for the wen to go to die), where his brother wen has already been sent. The brother will lay a leaf at the wenâs head, either as a cure for the wen from the charm-userâs magic, or as a burial shroud. There is a sense break at l. 56, and the magician applies three talismanic articles, a wolfâs foot, an eagleâs feather, and an eagleâs claw to the webm asserting that the wen will shrink beneath themâ (176). 182â83 re fot uolmes; âThere is no real choice but to follow Birch et al. and take uolmes as a mistake of some kind, probably for wolvesâ (183). wenne wenne wenchichenne [note 1: âwenchic,henne] her ne scealt ĂŸu timbrien [note 2: timb,rien] ne nenne tun habben ac ĂŸu scealt north [note 3: ânort,h] eonene to ĂŸan nihga[a overdotted]n berhge ĂŸer ĂŸu havest armig enne broĂŸer he ĂŸe sceal legge leaf et heafde under [note 6 âunder, d corrected from o?â] fot uolmes under veĂŸer earnes under earnes clea ĂĄ ĂŸu geweornie clinge ĂŸu alswa col on heorĂŸe scring ĂŸu alswa[overdotted a] sce[overdotted e]sne a wage[overdotted e]. and worne alswa[overdotted a] weter on anbre[?anĂŸreâĂŸ hard to read in this part of the microfilm; collate with other eds]. swa litel ĂŸu gewurĂŸe alswa linsetcorn and miccli lesse alswa anes handwurmes hupeban and alswa litel ĂŸu gewurĂŸe ĂŸet ĂŸu nawiht gewurĂŸe. German texts 185ff. 1st Merseburg charm, based on facs of Domstiftsbibliothek Merseburg Cod. 136, Bl. 85r (ed. p. 186): Eiris sazun idisi sazun hera duo der suma hapt heptidun suma heri lezidun suma clubodun umbi cuoniowidi insprinc haptbandun invar vigandun. H. Trans 187: Once women sat, then the high ones sat there. Some fastened shackles, some hindered an army, some picked at bonds. Escape (your) bonds. Flee (your) enemies. Commentary 218â44; âComplex problems surround nearly every word
of these four enigmatic linesâ (218). 227â29 re isisi; down on connection
with dĂs and even more so on connection with valkyries. 2nd half-line
gets commentary 229â36! But probably most of these dealings with mad
emendors/etymologists etc. 2 charms for horses ed and trans 188â91. Clearly an issue in OHG
soc. like AS. Contra vermes pecus edentes 192-3 ed. and trans. Worms
again as in OE. And NB: High German Worm Charm, based on facs of Clm. 18524, 2, fol. 203b, ed. 194: Pro Nessia: Gang uz nesso. mit niun nessinchilineon uz fonna marge. in deo adra vonna den adrun in daz fleisk. fonna demu fleiske. in daz fel. fonna demo velle. in diz tulli. Ter Pater Norst. Similit. [canât be arsed with textual notes here or for other OHG texts] Trans 195: Pro Nessia Go out worm, with nine little worms. Out from the marrow into the
veins (?); from the veins into the flesh; from the flesh onto the skin;
from the skin onto this arrow (?). Ter Pater Noster. Similit. Old Saxon Worm Charm based on facs of Cod. 751, Vienna, folio 188v (ed. p. 196): Contra Vermes Gang. ût nesso. mid nigun. nessiklinon. ut fana them. marge. an that. ben. fan themo. bene. an that. flesg ut fan themo. flesgke. an this hud. ut fan thera. hud. an thesa strala. drohtin werthe so.tr Trans 197: Contra Vermes Go out worm, with nine little worms. Out from the marrow onto the
bone; from the bone into the flesh; out from the flesh onto the skin;
out from the skin onto this arrow. Lord, make it so. Second Strassburg Blood Charm, based on Jacob Grimm, Kleinere Schriften, II, p. 29 (ed. 200): Tumbo saz in berke mit tumbemo kint de narme tumb heiz ter berch tumb heiz taz kint ter heilego Tumbo versegene tiusa wunda Ad strigendum sanguinem trans 201: Dumbo sat in the mountain with a dumb child in his arms. The mountain was called âdumbâ. The child was called âdumbâ. May the holy Dumbo bless this wound.
Ad strigendum sanguinem 380â407 lingustic/textual/metrical disucssion of ljóðatal; ed.
408â12; trans 413â15; commentary etc. 416â78. Acker, Paul, Revising Oral Theory: Formulaic Composition in Old English
and Old Icelandic Verse, Garland Studies in Medieval Literature, 16/Garland
Reference Library of the Humanities, 2104 (New York: Garland, 1998). Acker, Paul, âDwarf-Lore in AlvĂssmĂĄlâ, in The Poetic Edda:
Essays on Old Norse Mythology, ed. by Paul Acker and Carolyne Larrington
(New York: Routledge, 2002), pp. 215-227. âExamining this poem as
a source of dwarf-lore, the first thing one may notice about this particular
dwarf is that he is interested in sex, or the prospect of itâ (215).
This isnât normal in ON (215-16). âBut we must consider whence that
image of dwarves derives. Probably our most recurrent image of dwarves
in Old Norse literature is to be found in the late fornaldarsögur or
legendary-heroic sagasâ where dwarves are âelusive and reluctant
donorsâ of swords and things (216). âFrom such a motif and its prevalence
we can easily see how Motz would deduce an underground smith figure
as the underlying archetype for all dwarves. But we need to consider
this motif structurally in its narrative context. The dwarves are reluctant
donors and to provide a suitable element of conflict or challenge, it
is expedient that they be difficult of access, unsociable if you will.
Not only are their sex lives irrelevant, but any contact with the outside
world is to be downplayedâ (216). And contrast sÂČrla ĂŸĂĄttr (216-17).
âHere we see that the rules can change for the female quester. When
Freryja desires something from a dwarf, she does not aggressively interpose
her body: she allows the dwarves access to her body; she uses sex as
a weapon. And the dwarves must be sociable, oversexed even, if the narrative
function is to proceedâ (216). But itâs AlvĂss on the offensive
in Alvml: âWhile AlvĂssâs actions may seem aberrant for a dwarf,
they are very much in keeping with actions undertaken by giants in other
mythsâ (217). Narrative function of this 217-18. NBs that unlike Ăðinn
in wisdom contests, ĂĂłrr doesnât actually need to know any answers
to succeed here (218). Dvalinn as âdelayedâ, i.e. like AlvĂss is
(219). Circumstantial ev. towards dwarves turning to stone in the sun
but none direct (218-19). But doesnât fit Reginn or dwarves who make
the mead of poetry (219). As the only dwarves who are known to have
been delayed in old stuff, Dvalinn=AlvĂss? (220). Ackerman, Robert W. and Roger Dahood (ed. and trans.), Ancrene Riwle:
Introduction and Part I, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies,
31 (Binghamton, N.Y., 1984). Consensus for composition in English with
translation into French and Latin. Earliest MS Cleopatra C.VI. 1225Ă30,
not a great copy; then Corpus Christi 402 close to it in date. Late
Latin anachorita (eccles. Gk. ÎŹÎœÎ±ÏÏÏηÏÎźÏ âone who retires
from the worldâ). Adams, J. N., and Marilyn Deegan, âBaldâs Leechbook and the Physica
Pliniiâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 21 (1992), 87â14. Physica Plinii long-known
source for Leechbook; this analyses it. Phys C5/6 compilation from Medicina
Plinii from Pliny the Elderâs Naturalis Historia xx-xxxii (89). Seems
mainly concerned with Leechbookâs relevance to textual history of
Phys. Yay. Also seems to have Leechbook using Medicina, thoâ I donât
see at a glance where this fits in. 113-14 list of corresponding chapters
which might be useful. Adams, J. N., âBritish Latin: The Text, Interpetation and Language
of the Bath Curse Tabletsâ, Britannia, 23 (1992), 1â26. In texts
folder. Adams, J. N., â âRomanitasâ and the Latin Languageâ, Classical
Quarterly, 53.1 (2003), 184â205. Handy survey of Roman (mainly C1
BC) attitudes to languages, including Greek, dialects of Latin from
outside Rome, etc. Including some juicy material appearently covered
at more length in the bilingualism book on Gaulish pottery inscriptions
with potters living linguistic double lives. Adamska, Anna, âThe Study of Medieval Literacy: Old Sources, New
Ideasâ, in The Development of Literate Mentalities in East Central
Europe, ed. by Anna Adamska and Marco Mostert, Utrecht Studies in Medieval
Literacy, 9 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004), pp. 13â47. âIn 1963 Jack
Goody and Ian Watt published a classical [sic] article in which they
concluded that alphabetical writing had been a determining force in
the development of European culture and democracy. They argued that
the ideas of social progress, including the democratisation [19] of
governmental rule, and also the secularisation of mind, were absolutely
impossible in societies which communicated only orally. According to
Goody and Watt, oral societies are not able to develop a critical approach
to information; they are also unable to select information, to distinguish
between the present and past in the same way that literates do, etc.
Theirs is a world without historyâ (18â19), citing Goody and Watt
1963; âIn his later works, Goody went even further, concluding that
all intellectual revolutions in European history resulted from new instruments
of social communication; the most important of these was writingâ
(19) citing Goody 1986. âNowadays, most scholars do no longer agree
[sic] with Goodyâs theory. We had to dwell on it however, because
it inspired many historians. This was understandable, for, if it is
true that the introduction of writing results in a âreorganisationâ
of the human mind and the ways mankind thinks, then several phenomena
of social life which came into being the [sic] Middle Ages might be
explained by the growth of access to written communication. However,
attractive though the theory is, it has been proven to be a simplification.
There is also another negative aspect, i.e. the theoryâs unconscious
valorisation: the cultural sustem, based on writing, is âprogressiveâ
and âpositiveâ, whereas oral cultures are summarily dismissed as
âprimitiveâ or retarded. This valorisation may be the consequence
of the old paradigm of the superiority of writing over orality, dating
from the Age of Enlightenment, when social progress was associated with
alphabetizationâ (19). Ong broadly follows suit, with much emph on
printing (20). Clanch as revolutionising this by showing the non-literate
modes of communication existed and came naturally and had to be replaced
slowly and pieceal by literate practices (20â21). âSociologists,
and even more anthropologists, seem to have no real respect for the
limitations to which times and space subject human societies. Quite
often they collect convenient examples to bolter an a priori hypothesis.
In doing so, they nonchalantly break through traditional chronological
boundaries. In many sociological studies of literacy, the real boundary
is not that between the Middle Ages and Modern Times, but that between
the European Ancien RĂ©gime and the âindustrialâ era of the nineteenth
century [er, dunno where this is coming fromâno refs]. Sometimes,
however, an approach which at first sight seems a-historical [sic] may
help to break down historical stereotypes. Thus, the study of the material
features of books, irrespective of the time they were produced, has
inspired the reflection that quite possibly the passage from roll to
codex was as important for the history of reading, as the ârevolution
of printâ .â (21). 21â23 applauds slow rise of other kinds of
communication in scholarship, like gestures, colours, smells and rels
between text and illuminations in MSS. âBecause of their repetition,
oral cultures have been judged by literate Western scholars as primitive,
retarded or barbarian. // We can easily understand what happens when
writing s introduced into an oral society. Messages may now be âcut
offâ from the personal relationship between âsenderâ and âreceiverâ;
with writing, the supplementary non-verbal message disappears. We may
therefore think that written texts make information more âobjectiveâ,
independent from the here and now, and easier to retrieve (and change!)
whenever this is deemed appropriate. These principal consequences of
the introduction of writing are at the basis of the eighteenth-century
paradigm of literacyâs superiority over oralityâ (28). âA second
important change in the attitude of medieval scholars is that they are
finally able to appreciate the efficiency of oral communication, and
thatâin some spheres of social lifeâoral modes existed until the
end of the Middle Ages and beyondâ shock horror! Surely not?! Estonian
cabinet meetings now purely in chat-rooms but hardly everywhere else;
frankly bizarre but telling, despite the laudable critique of modernist
assumptions generally in this piece (29). maybe the necessity of citing
sources, hitherto necessarily written, which automatically deprivileges
conference papers, pub conversatons, or even indeed oral informants
in professionally conducted oral history research, has blinded us to
the fact that journalists routinely rely on oral sources, oral debate
has real effects on law (justice and legislation), board meetings etc. *Adolfsson, G. and I. Lundström, Den starka kvinnan: frÄn völva
till hÀxa, Museiarkeologi, 6 (Stockholm: Statens Historiska MuseumXXXXX,
1997) Aitken, A. J., The Older Scots Vowels: A History of the Stressed
Vowels of Older Scots from the Beginnings to the Eighteenth Century,
ed.by Caroline Macafee, The Scottish Text Society, 5th ser., 1 (n.p.:
Scottish Text Society, 2002). 116â17 brief use of English dramatistsâ
representationsâpass on to Judith? Albano, Robert A., âThe Role of Women in Anglo-Saxon Culture: Hildeburh
in Beowulf and a Curious Counterpart in the Volsunga sagaâ, English
Language Notes, 32 (1994), 1â10. Pants. Basically says hah! Hildeburg
never liked Finn and like SignĂœ was waiting to bump him off the whole
time! Or somesuch. Which would be fine if heâd done it at all well. Aldhouse-Green, Miranda J., âPagan Celtic Religion and Early Celtic
Myth: Connections or Coincidence?â, in An Snaidhm Ceilteach: GnĂŹomharran
10mh Comhdhail Eadar-NĂ iseanta na Ceiltis, Imleadhar a h-Aon CĂ nain,
Litreachas, Eachdraidh, Cultar/Celtic Connections: Proceedings of the
Tenth International Congress of Celtic Studies, Volument One, Language,
Literature, History, Culture, ed. by Ronald Black, William Gillies and
Roibeard Ă Maolalaigh (East Linton: Tuckwell, 1999), pp. 82â90. Points
unexcitingly to a few likely continuities. Alfano, Christine, âThe Issue of Feminine Monstrosity: A Reevaluation
of Grendelâs Motherâ, Comitatus, 23 (1992), 1â16. App. reckons
aglĂŠcwif is âwarrior-womanâ like skjöldmĂŠrâsounds fair enough
off hand (Ă
ström 1999). âMost Beowulf translators, motivated by
contemporary biases rather than articstic impulse, produce an exaggerated
version of the original ides, aglĂŠcwif. Grendelâs mother disrupts
gender conventions; to the Anglo-Saxons, this made her atol, âterribleâ
(line 1332), but to contemporary translators, it makes her âmonstrousâ.
Stripping Grendelâs mother of humanity, translators transform an avenging
mother into a bloodthirsty monsterâ (2). Other e.g.s (good ones too)
2â3. 4â6 re aglĂŠcwif vs. âmonster womanâ, pro âwarrior womanâ,
cf. Mearns. Not so convincing on gĂŠst as short vowelled thoâ the
idea may work (6â7). Ouch, sheâs half-baked on her OE grammar. Lots
of foolish errors. Takes wyrgen as âaccursed oneâ not wolfy one
(7), hmm⊠(Doesnât seem to know ON vargr, but maybe this is a good
thing) (7). Some cits for wulf as warrior (thoâ never, I note from
Klaeber, in Bwf) (8). So sheâs not actually a wylf in briumwylf (7â8).
Fair enough. Overstated and flawed but useful ref even so for showing
biases in translators, lexicographers and critics. *Alkemade, M., âA History of Vendel Period Archaeology: Observations on the Relationship between Written Sources and Archaeological Interpretationsâ, in Images of the Past: Studies on Ancient Sources in Northwestern Europe, ed. by N. Roymans and F. Theuws (Amsterdam, 1991), pp. 267â97. Allaby, Michael (ed.), The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Ecology (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1994). s.v. fairy ring: âA circle of dark-green grass (in a lawn or field) in which toadstools may be found. The circle is formed as a result o the radial growth of a fungus through the soil, away from the centre of the ring; as the fungal mycelium grows it deprives grass roots of nutrients, but as it dies and decomposes the release of nutrients stimulates the growth of the grass, producing the dark coloration. Fairy rings are often formed by Marasmius oreadesâ. Allan, Joanna, âLearning Outcomes in Higher Educationâ, Studies in Higher Education, 21 (1996), 93â108, DOI: 10.1080/03075079612331381487. God, social scientists can't punctuate to save their lives! 94 idea that you have to specify objectives before you can plan how to reach them, which is rational but doesn't account for the power of a course or its materials to shape objectives. ARRRGH THE PUNCTUATION!! 'Tyler's definition of objectives can be seen to place the responsibility on the institution to identify the desired behaviour to be developed in the student' re a 1949 thing that seems to commit the sin of being behaviouristic (94). SHE DOESN'T EVEN KNOW WHEN TO USE FULL STOPS. 95- re some 1960s guy called Mager who moves away from 'educational objectives' to 'instructional objectives' (i.e. outcomes of instruction on a particular course which might contribute to wider educational objectives). But mager winds up trying to break complex tasks down into discrete, objectively classifiable bits (slipping, I note, by apparent accident, into subjective terms like 'You must apply at least three rules of good composition in the development of your score') (95). Mager also seems to have lost track of working out how instruction might actually produce the objectives (96, cf. 98). Later 60s and the 70s seem to see the term 'behavioural objectives' but the duff writing makes it a bit hard to see what the idea was here, if indeed the term was meant to denote anything different from Mager's (96-97). The phasing out of the term 'instructional objectives' in favour of 'behavioural objec-tives' with its attendant specificity and its behaviouristic overtones, effected a polarisation of reaction to the notion of an educational objective. At one extreme rational planning was rejected and labelled as reductionist by those who did not accept that a subject can be reduced to disjointed facts and concepts if the integrity of a discipline is to be respected. This 'atomisation' was, and remains, an anathema, particularly to those involved in curriculum design in higher education, where a high level of analysis and synthesis is implicit in what constitutes learning in undergraduate study. Yet at the other extreme, the tenets of behaviourism underpin the more recent planning models of Wheeler (1967), Kerr (1968), Taylor (1970), and Merrit (1972). [97]I sympathise with the objections! They produced a backlash accordingly (97ff.). A key idea (under the rubric 'expressive objectives' for some reason) is that curriculum desgin shouldn'tdump a straightjacket on students but allow them to personalise goals (98). 'Expressive objectives' become 'expressive outcomes': 'Eisner differentiated between the latter [objectives], which imply a preformulated specific goal and the former [outcomes] which, [ARRRGH] 'are essentially what one ends up with, intended or not, after some form of engagement' (99). All this does provide me with some useful genealogy for the concept of the ILO, suggesting some subtleties to what it isn't and why the term is used. Waffles onwards; I wonder if anyone's looked at whether students actually find lists of objectives/outcomes useful (as they are assumed to be on pp. 100, 104)? Quite a lot on personal vs general/subject-specific outcomes; seems to have been written before 'transferable skills' become standard conception (c. 102). By 103 it's trying to posit its own set of taxonomies, which must be why it's getting waffly and tedious. 104 conclusion. Whew. Appendices 1 and 2 useful summaries of the development of the concepts covered in the article. Oft-cited but not often by interesting-looking people. An exception is Avis 2000. Allan, P. B. M., The Book-Hunter at Home, second rev. edn (London: Allan, 1922). http://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/22716. Not sure what this is really all about, but NB: 'A useful catalogue of books on Alchemy was printed in two large quarto volumes at Glasgow in 1906. It is by Professor John Ferguson, and is entitled 'Bibliotheca Chemica,' being a list of the hermetic books in the library of Mr. James Young. The three volumes entitled 'Leechdoms, Wortcunning, and Starcraft of Early England' by the Rev. Oswald Cockayne, published in the 'Rolls' series, 1864-66, contain a valuable contribution to the early medical science of this country. Dr. J. F. Payne's 'English Medicine in the Anglo-Saxon Times' (the Fitz-Patrick Lectures for 1903) is for the most part a dissertation on that work. Some of the prescriptions of these early leeches are rather quaint. 'If a man's head burst . . . let him take roots of this same wort, and bind them on his neck. Then cometh to him good benefit.' The following is an excellent remedy for toothache: 'Sing this for toothache after the sun hath gone down--"Caio Laio quaque voaque ofer saeloficia sleah manna wyrm." Then name the man and his father, then say: "Lilimenne, it acheth beyond everything; when it lieth low it cooleth; when on earth it burneth hottest; finit. Amen."' If after this the tooth still continues to ache beyond everything, it is evident that there is a wyrm in it. For stomach-ache, you must press the left thumb upon the stomach and say 'Adam bedam alam betar alam botum.' This is infallible.' *Allen, Grant, âWho were the Fairies?â, Cornhill Magazine, 63
(1881), 338ff. âMr. Grant Allen illustrates his theory with great
wealth of detailm especially laying stress on the fact that old burial-mounds
and the like are called by elfin names, and that stone arrow-heads are
known as elf-boltsâ (Macculloch 1932, 363). *Allen, Hope Emily, âThe Influence of the Supernatural on Languageâ,
PMLA, 63 (1935), 1033-46 *Allen, Hope Emily, âThe Influence of the Supernatural on Languageâ,
PMLA, 60 (1936), 904-20 Allen, Peter Lewis, The Wages of Sin: Sex and Disease, Past and Present
(Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 2000). 1â24 re lovesickness;
basically re how sex or masturation get prescribed and how this is a
problem. Traces this trad to Greece and Islamic areas and sees them
coming in with the C12 renaissance. Not detailed and according to intro
doesnât disagree with Wack. Allen, Rosamund (trans.), La3amon: Brut (London, 1992). XXXXstyle. âEspecially significant are the âsupernaturalâ additions in the Arthurian section: the fairies who attend Arthurâs birth, the elvish smith who made Arthurâs corslet, the marvels of Britain, Arthurâs nightmare about Modred, and the mysterious Argante and the boat with two women in it which appears at his end to rake him to Avalon. Merlin figures more prominently than in Wace: he is sent for twice, to aid Aurelius and later to help Uther, and Lawman continues to refer to Merlinâs prophecies as a device to enhance Arthurâs status, after Merlin has disappeared from the narrativeâ (xxxiii) Wace ditches propheciesâLawman must have âem from elsewhere. Ascanius uses âwicked agentsâ for prophecy 136-146 < Geoff
< Nennius. Whatâs the word for âwitchcraft hereââinteresting? Alkarp, Magnus and Neil Price, âTempel av guld eller kyrka av trĂ€?
Markradarundersökningar vid Gamla Uppsala kyrkaâ, FornvĂ€nnen, 100
(2005), 261â72. Finds various anomalies, but among them some evidence
for what seems to be a late viking age wooden church beneath the lost
north transept of the church at Gamla Uppsala. Almqvist, Bo, âScandinavian and Celtic Folklore Contacts in the
Earldom of Orkneyâ, Saga-Book of the Viking Society, 20 (1978â81),
80â105. App. refs re mermaid types. Hmm, not really. Not really v.
useful. Good ref re folks seeing everything going thru Orkney. Re Haraldr
and SnĂŠfrĂðr, âWe are dealing here with an early instance of belief
in the magic power of the Lapps, a Scandinavian belief that is still
found in Orkney and Shetland folklore, as well as elsewhere in Britain.
However, it has been demonstrated by the Norwegian folklorist Moltke
Moe that the love-potion motif is of Celtic origin [ref from 1920s,
hmm]. Close parallels are found in Geoffrey of Monmouthâs Historia
Regum Brittaniae and its source, Nenniusâs Historia Brittonum, where
the story about Hengist, the Anglo-Saxon chieftain, and Rowena, the
daughter of King Vortigern, is told. [96] The sources of this part of
the SnjĂłfrĂðr story may then, as Moltke Moe supposes, be of Welsh
origin and Geoffrey of Monmouthâs or Nenniusâs work may have acted
as intermediaryâ (95-6). Hmm. Almqvist, Bo, âOf Mermaids and Marriages: Seamus Heaneyâs âMaighdean
Maraâ and Nuala nĂ Dhomhnaillâs âAn Mhaighdean Mharaâ in the
Light of Folk Traditionâ, BĂ©aloideas, 58 (1990), 1-74 [NF2 P464.c.16].
Looks like comparatively massive survey of fairy brides. But not actually
very useful. âAs hown by Helge Holmström in his thesis on the Swan
Maiden Motif in Völundarkviða and elsewhere, the Swan Maiden Legend
is but one of a whole complex of migratory legends relating to marriages
or supernatural or supernaturally transformed female beings. Thus he
distinguishes groups dealing with marriages to fairy women (feÀktenskapstyperna).
another group about personified nightmares (marÀktenskapstypen) and
a third one [4, 3 having a plate] about acquatic beings, mermaids or
seal maidens (sÀlÀktenskapstypen). While legends belonging to the
first of these categories are extremely rare in Ireland, and the seocnd
group, as far as I am able to ascertain, is not represe4nted at all
there, the third legend type is one of those most popular in Irish traditionâ
(2-4). Almqvist, Bo, âI marginalen till Sejdâ, in Sejd och andra studier i nordisck sjĂ€lsuppfattning av Dag StrömbĂ€ck med bidrag av Bo Almqvist, Gertrud Gidlund, Hans Mebius, ed. by Gertrud Gidlund, Acta Academiae regiae Gustavi Adolphi, 72 (Hedemora, 2000), pp. 237â72. Surveys StrömbĂ€ckâs main sources with new comments and bibl. 243â50; NBs reliance on emendation of sĂga > sĂða in Lokasenna (247 (cf. 247â48)), doesnât know McKinnelâs article on Heiðr (246â47); re Kormakr Ăgmundarsons SigurðardrĂĄpa 248â50. âEhuru ytmeningen av satsen [phrase] Seið Yggr til Rindar Ă€r fullt klar, lĂ€mnas [?gives] vi I ovisshet [uncertainty] om hur Oden mera [more] I detalj tĂ€nkts ha burit sig Ă„t [intended to have behaved?] för att vinna Rind genom [thru] sejden. StrömbĂ€ck Ă€r dock [hâever] sĂ€kerligen [certainly] pĂ„ rĂ€tt spĂ„r nĂ€r han (Sejd, 150 f.) sammanstĂ€ller uppgiften I SigurðardrĂĄpa med bl. a. Snorris berĂ€ttelse [story] om hur den onda drottning Gunnhild (inom parentes sagt uppfostrad hos samerna) anstĂ€ller sejd mot Egill SkallagrĂmsson, sĂ„ att han inte finner nĂ„gon ro [rest, peace] pĂ„ Island âŠâ (249). âI Rinds fall har vi emellertid [however] serligen ocksĂ„ mera speciellt at skaffa [obtain] med framkallande av ett onaturligt tillstĂ„nd [permission] av oemotstĂ„ndlig kĂ€ttja [lust], vilket kan utlĂ€sas av den parallella framstĂ€llningen I Saxo Grammati[250]cusâ Gesta Danorum, till vilken StrömbĂ€ck ocksĂ„ hĂ€nvisar, och dĂ€r det med all önskvĂ€rd tydlighet heter att Othinus genom sina magiska manipulationer gjort Rinda lymphanti similem ⊠Det Ă€r precis detta tillstĂ„nd som betecknas [characterises] med ergi nĂ€r ordet anvĂ€ndes om kvinnorâ etc. (249â50). 250â60 additional matieral (250â52 not incuding the word for certain; 252â60 including it). Seems to think thereâs something interesting afoot in The war of the gadhill with the Gaill Todd 1867, 12f.; 227. Re Ota, app. queen to Thorgisl (it says on the web); investigation shows refs actually to be 12 and 226, and dead ends. She gives audiences/answers depending on MS from altar but no detail. Doesnât seem to mention SkĂrnismĂĄl. In modern Icelandic folklore 261â63. âDen brasklapp [reservation] jag inskjutit [interjected] av ovanstĂ„ende [aforementioned] mening [idea] Ă€r betingad [conditional on] av frĂ„gan om ordet sejd verkligen [really] förekommer [occurs] pĂ„ runinskrifter, nĂ„got som vĂ€l [well] dock [nevertheless] fĂ„r [have, get; may +infin] hĂ„llas [hold] för högst sannolikt [likely], eftersom [because] flera specialister pĂ„ omrĂ„det [area] synes vara den meningen [idea, ?interpretation]. HĂ€r kan allmĂ€nt [general] hĂ€nvisas [refer] till Danmerks runeinskrifter (1942, spalt 711 f.) och dĂ€r anförd [cited] litteratur. Under förutsĂ€ttning [condition, prerequisite] att ifrĂ„gavarande inskrifter Ă€r rĂ€tt lĂ€sta [read], Ă€r de av vikt [??importance] dels [partlyâŠ] dĂ€rför att de torde [?] ge [?give] de Ă€ldsta belĂ€ggen [attestation(s?)] pĂ„ ordet, dels för att de dessutom [moreover] synes omvittna [?make clear], att sejden inte blott [merely] varit kĂ€nd I VĂ€stnorden, utan jĂ€mvĂ€l I Danmark och Sverige. SammanstĂ€llningen [collocation] av sarĂŸiâom nu detta ord Ă€r att uppfatta som preteritum av serða, âplĂ€ga smlag medâ (ofta anvĂ€nt om den aktive partens kopulerande I homosexuella förbindelser)âoch siĂŸ, pĂ„ stenen frĂ„n Södra [southern] VĂ€nge, kan ocksĂ„ betraktas [?contemplate] som ett tidigt [early] belĂ€gg [e.g.] för förbindelselĂ€nkar mellan seiðr och ergi. Hela frĂ„gan Ă€r emellertid av sĂ„ komplicerad art [sort], att en ny separat behandling av en fackkunnig [professionally-knowledgeable] runolog vore önskvĂ€rd [desirable].â (252). 264â69 Summering. âDet sambland mellan sejd och ergi som övertygande
[convincingly] demonstrerats I Sejd har belagts [take, occupy] ytterligare
[additional], och skÀl har ocksÄ anförts [adduce, cite etc.] för
att ergi utmÀrker [distinguishes] inte blott [merely] de sejdande,
utan ocksÄ ibland [among; sometimes] genom sejd framkallas [produce,
develop] hos [with, by, among] de av trolldomsakten drabbande [befall,
affect]â (264). âEtt extatiskt tillstĂ„nd [condition] Ă€r vĂ€l nĂ€ra
nog [well nigh certainly or somesuch] en förutsÀttning [precondition]
för flygförmĂ„ga [flight-capability]â (265); seems to see this as
reasonably well-attested feature of seiðr 265â66. Not so sure myself. Alver, Bente Gullveig and Torunn Selberg, âFolk Medicine as Part of a Larger Concept Complexâ, Arv, 43 (1987), 21â44. Looks dead handy re medicine and supernatural creatures/witchery. Cool. âThe conception on folk medicine as a folk variant of academic medicine has had consequences for the approach to the issue and for an understanding of folk medicine. It has led to the use of the premises of scientific medicine in the analysis of folk concepts of illness and treatment. In this context, the terminology and concepts of scientific medicine have formed the framework for the perception of folk medicineâ (21). âStudies have been concerned with the examination of the biomedical effectiveness of folk medicine (for example see Honko 1963, 1978; Alver 1980). This led to the discussion of a division of folk medicine into a rational part and an irrational part (BĂž 1972, selberg 1982)â (21). âThe conceptual limits of the category âfolk medicineâ are open to question. Quite possibly, folk medicine is part of a larger concept complex. Also in [22] question is whether categories of illness and health, such as they are defined and understood within scientific medicine, are delimited phenomena in a folk conceptual world. Rather, we must ask if we study illness and health as part of a central value system within the folk conceptual worldâ (21-22). âWe have found it useful to use as our starting point core values of equal importance as health. Such core values are production and reproduction. In older oral traditional material concerning manâs interaction with the supernatural, these values are especially exposed. We discuss the attitudes about hulders and witches for two reasons. They are central in Norwegian folk tradition, and they have a special significance as destructive forces in folk explanations of illnessâ (22). âA cognitive system is a culturally learned way of seeing, thinking about, and experiencing reality. It structures ut impressions and experiences into categories and creates order in our world. To creat order from disorder is a common human need, but the categories used and the content of these categories are cultural variablesâ ⊠âIf man thinks of his world in categories, he also has to think of the borders between categories. These borders form areas which are variously filled with tension. A border is more than a sharp line between two areas. There is also a âno manâs landâ on both sides that is marginal, ambiguous and filled with tension, composed of several qualities. According to Edmund Leach, these border areas form the taboo areas in a culture. He claims that we create structure in our world by naming areas, and keep these conceptually separate by making the border areas taboo. Language gives us names to know things by, taboo inhibits the recognition of those parts of the unbroken reality which separate thingsâ (23). âThrough the violation of folkways and mores, man transgresses important borders in the web of social life. When people act so as to be in a border area between right and wrong, their ideas about the supernatural are activated. In many different folk traditions, supranormal beings are customarily attributed the role of guardians of social orderâ (24). âTo use a technical term, hulders are âfolk belief beingsâ. They are the only Norwegian folk belief beings who appear as so-called âcollective beingsâ. They live in families, and according to tradition, their lives are described as a mirror image of human family life. In many ways, hulders are the personifications of the human dream. They have more of everything that humans have âŠ[25] The only they do not have that humans do is the hope for eternal lifeâ (24-5). âSvale Solheim characterizes hulders as destructive in the same way as robbers, outlaws, and wild animals. We would modify this somewhat. Basically, hulders are a superior power in relation to humans, not a destructive power. According to tradition, there are rules about how humans should deal with hulders. If these rules are broken, the hulders punish. But if rules are observed, or a favor is done for the hulders, then they rewardâ (25). A clearly defined category: âWhat is important for humans is that by keeping the traditional rules they maintain harmony with this superior forceâ (25). This reading opposes very neatly the idea of supernatural figures as ambiguous. Rather like Efnisien, in fact. And the if you donât go to bed the bogey-man will get you principle (NB monsters cannot penetrate a duvet). They play by the rules, albeit perhaps harsh ones. 2 kinds of witchârich and successful, wandering vagabond. latter more common (25). âTe poorest and most derelict part of the population were those who most often were accused of witchcraft in Norway in the 1500s and 1600sâ (25). Destructive 25-6. âIn contrast to hulders, wich [sic] were found in nature and âoutside the homeâ, witches were together with humansâcloser than one might believe. They represent the powers of chaos on the offensiveâ (26). Hmm, do ĂŠlfe move between these categories during their existence? Kind of like the embodiment of monsters progressionâexcept reversed with ĂŠlfe in OE medical tradition (human-looking race becomes formless demons?). High medieval elves working just like hulders? âThe category of witches is more ambiguous than that of hulders, and they are thus perceived as being more dangerous. A witch is a human and a demon at the same time, belonging to two worlds. A witch looks like any other human, and therefore cannot be recognized on sight. They are only first recognized by their actions, and by then the damage may already have been done ⊠Also, an important difference in folk attitudes is related to the degree to which the categories of hulder and witch may be neutralized. Hulders cannot be neutralized in the long run. They are made to disappear by quoting from the Bible, or by touching them. But at the next moment there they are again, behind the nearest bush. Witches can be neutralized. Witch burning ought to be sufficient evidence of this pointâŠâ (26). Both cause misfortune thoâ; âThe misfortune is often related to the basis of existenceâ (26). âThe concept of the ability to cast spells has as a precondition a concept of an evil mind, which often may be seen as envyâ (28), which correlates with accusations being levelled at the poorest, see (26) âSvale Solheim also touches on situations where witchcraft provides explanations of misfortune and accidents. This is when those who have nothing meet those who have. The concept of witchcraft becomes relevant where the distribution of limited goods is most out of balance. Limited goods, envy, and the casting spells are interrelatedâ (28). But NB rich get accused sometimes to. Neighbours usually also: limited goods conceived to circulate in a limited neighbourhood (28). Theory of âlimited goodâ (refs 29). Concept that all things of value are limited, and the sum of good fortune constantâbut distribution varies (29). Folks have to negotiate within this, seeming not to have too much and to be seen to be generous etc. maintenance of status quo all important (29-30). âPrivate initiative and diligence could lead to being suspected of witchcraft. But there was one possibility, according to Foster: oneâs good fortune could be obtained outside (local) societyâ (30). Treasure from mound-breaking into otherworld presumably meet this, even if not in distant land. Also shows importance of getting bride from outside courtâfights over women in Arthurian bit? Arthur and Lancelot; Amis and Amiloun? All those jealous stewards? Witches can destroy goods (good fortune, etc.) so that none has them (30); deprive neighbours to enrich themselves, both individually and from whole community (30-1). Folklore hereof, mainly concerned with stealing/reducing milk/butter/cream yields 31-2. NB as with the east Anglian horse folklore the importance of control/harm re animals as well as people. Revenge motifs (again us. re livestock) 33. âAttitudes to witchcraft also emerge in situations where admiration is expressed. Because there was a fear of envy, people did not like it if a stranger praised their children or their domestic animals. There was considered to be little distance between praising something and wanting to have it. It was said that the sweeter the âevil tongueâ was, the worse the consequences. To protect oneself against false friendship, one could respond with harsh words or an oath. The exposure of evil intent could reduce the power of the effect of envyâ (33) might explain a lot of grumpy saga characters. Also ĂĂłrgunna stuff? âStrangers were not supposed to have access to the unbaptized child. No one from the outside was allowed to see the infant being tended or fed because of the fear of spells being cast and of the fear of a particularly illness, rickets (âhoreskjĂŠverâ). Rickets was manifested by discontent, and people thought it was caused when an immoral woman simply looked at the infantâ (34). Cf. baby getting zapped in Guðmundar saga when parents go for a shag. âThere is a difference in the way hulders and witches punish. Even though both forms of punishment are severe, being aimed at essential values, it still seems as though the hulderâs punishment is more acceptable, since it is related to a stricter set of rules for law and order: Hulders [sic] attack because there is a reason to attack; witches attack for no reasonâ (34). Elves start off bound by rules and in medical texts moved into being bound by divine intent, but, like witches, not by rules? âThe names of such diseases as hulder bite, hulder burn, and hulder love tell us that people had related various disorders to contact with the huldersâ (34). Hulder bit a pain or sore that wonât weal 34-5; burn affects cattleâthey get lost and come back with sores or changes in its coat (35); love a consumptive illness caused by meeting (implicitly sex?) with hulder (35). Need to follow Hulder rules, e.g.s etc (35-6). âThe tradition about hulders says a great deal about borders and categories in the peasant society. As long as people stuck to the rules, the hulders were there as an invisible superior force, seeing to it that everything was as it should be. But if the rules were broken, suddenly the hulders became a visible superior force, punishing transgressors in the vital areas of health, production and reproduction. Hulders became visible for humans in the ambiguous areas, in the transitional parts of the conceptual world, where they are an important superior forceâ (36). Big assocs with summer farmsâmarginal territories (36-8). âThe mountain summer farm was filled with tension because it could be perceived as being both home and not-home. During the summer, this farm was home for the farm people, but at other times it was seen as home for the hulders. Staying at the summer farm longer than was considered correct could have severe consequencesâ (37). Day/Night too i guess; Xmas; etc. âIt happened about 1800. A woman from Heidi in Seljord was on the way to church to have her baby, a little girl, baptised. She took a short-cut with the baby. For some reason, she laid the baby on the ground and went behind a bush for just a moment. / When she came back and was about to pick up the baby, she was completely terrifiedâshe didnât recognize the baby. Her beautiful little girl had become so ugly that it was dreadful to see. Then the woman realised that the hulders had come and exchanged the baby. But she couldnât do anything about this, so she took the baby to the church and had it baptised, and didnât say a word to anyone about what had happened. [39] / The baby grew up; it was a girl, but not really human. She lived long, was nearly 100 when she didâ trans. by authors, quoted from Kjetil A. Flatin, Tussar og trolldom, Norsk Folkeminnelags skrifter, 21 (Oslo, 1930), p. 22 (38-9). Before a woman is blessed again after childbirth she is marginal, â âimpure and heathenâ â; NB re heiðni barnit or whatever it was. the danger of hulders, esp. of newborns or women just given birth, actually helps to define the rite of passage. Puts supernatural seal on it, etc. âMany analyses have emphasized that the function of folk belief is t maintain norms and rules in society. The violation of norms is sanctioned by supranormal forces and beings, and the violation of norms brings to the fore belief in the supranormal. This belief in supranormal beings can function as social control (see for example Honko 1962)â (40). Cf. 40-41. Solheim 1952: 371 on the same thing. âThe building of new houses was regulated by the hulders. People could not build just anywhere, or make arrangements without taking consideration of both other people and the hulders. If one built on a site where hulders rules, one risked certain retributions which in turn affected the well-being of the farm. The only solution was to move the houseâ (41). âWe began this article by questioning the conceptual borders of
the category âfolk medicineâ. Our analysis has been aimed at expanding
these borders, in order to bring forth a differentâand in our opinionâmore
correct [sic re punct] understanding of the folk perception of illness
and treatmentâ (41). âIn our view, there is a relationship between
health, production and reproduction, all central values both for the
single individual and for society as a system. In the last instance,
these three central values represent the core of the issue. Balance
between health, production and reproduction is necessary if âcomplete
fortuneâ is to be achieved; should misfortune occur in one of these
areas, the consequence is disharmony. These values can be threatened
when societyâs order is violatedâthus supranormal punishment becomes
a part of social control. Folk attitudes towards illness can be placed
within this complex of attitudesâ (42). The distinctions drawn here
ought to be apparent in Thomas, R&DofM too, cf. c. 611. *Alver, Bente Gullveig and Torunn Selberg, âTrends in Research
on Folk Medicine in the Nordic Countriesâ, Ethnologia Scandinavica
(1987), 59-70. Amies, Marion, âThe Journey Charm: A Lorica for Lifeâs Journeyâ,
Neophilologus, 67 (1983), 448â62. Worries about the reading of some
bit with seraphim otherwise shows that although âcertainlyâ originally
re jounreys, could be understood as a lorica 448â52. NBs that sigegealdor
has ME reflexes which are pejorative assoc with witchcraft. Amies neophil
[P700.c.136] *Amodio, Mark C., âIntroduction: Oral Poetics in Post-Conquest
Englandâ, in Oral Poetics in Middle English Poetry, ed. by Mark C.
Amodio, Albert Bates Lord Studies in Oral Tradition, 13 (New York: Garland,
1994), pp. 1â28. Amodio, Mark C., âIntroduction: Unbinding Proteusâ, in New Directions
in Oral Theory, ed. by Mark C. Amodio, Medieval and Renaissance Texts
and Studies, 287 (Tempe, Arizona: Arizona Center for Medieval and Renaissance
Studies, 2005), pp. 1â13. 2005 A. Names as dead important: OT 17.1
and 17.2 (2002); Richard Martin, The Language of Heroes (sociolinguistic
stuff on Iliad speeches); Foley Traditional Oral Epic and Immanent Art;
OâKeeffe. Emphs shift from formalism of Parry-Lord to ârhetorical
and affective dynamicsâ. Stock, Listening for the Text. âThere is,
of course, tension between the oral and literate worlds, tension that
even now at the beginning of the twenty-first century we continue to
experience every day all around us; but it is a necessary, enriching
and perhaps even sustaining tension, not the debilitating or distracting
one it was sometimes thought to be. To put this another way, even in
our highly literate Western culutre literacy is far from universal,
and even the most highly literate members of our culture must nevertheless
continually navigate their way through the layers of oral/aural culture
that surround, inform, and help define contemporary Western (literate)
culture. From our literate perspective it is easy to forget that the
same holds true of oral culture, however broadly or narrowly one wishes
to define it: literates may have easier and more direct access to the
world of orality than non-literatures have to the world of literacy,
but non-literates encounter literate culture [4] everywhere and the
(oral) world they inhabit is necessarily infused with and to a considerable
extent shaped by literacy and its attendant practices and habits of
mindâ (4â5). Amodio, Mark C., âRes(is)ting the Singer: Towards a Non-Performative
Anglo-Saxon Oral Poeticsâ, in New Directions in Oral Theory, ed. by
Mark C. Amodio, Medieval and Renaissance Texts and Studies, 287 (Tempe,
Arizona: Arizona Ceenter for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2005),
pp. 179â208. 2005B. Amodio, Mark C., Writing the Oral Tradition: Oral Poetics and Literate
Culture in Medieval England (Notre Dame, Indiana: University of Notre
Dame Press, 2004). Lots of perfectly good points, but problems with
seeing orality as only oral-formulaic and contrasts with modernity.
Speech must antedate writing but the inevitable succession of writing
to orality not obvious (1â2). Vs the great divide model of orality
and literacy 2â3. âAs theoretical postulates, the end points of
the oral-literate continuum retain considerable heuristic value for
the investigation of human cognition and development, and with this
in mind we now turn to consider them. But as we do so, we need t guard
against uncritically accepting the notion of primary orality because
it âis forever inaccessible to us (if it is not purely mythical)â.
And we need to keep in mind that the same is true of pure literacyâ
(4). Oral poetry as âinherently dynamic and ephemeralâ; âResiding
only within the collective memory of those present while it is performed,
an oral poem leaves no trace once the final reverberations of the poetâs
voice die [5] out. Necessarily composed (and recomposed) under the exigencies
of performance, the poetry produced within a primary oral culture is,
therefore highly proteanâ (4â5). Whatâs so crap about collective
memory that it can hold no trace of a poem? Likewise, skaldic verse
isnât recomposed. âWithin a fully literate culture, both the production
and reception of texts are intensely private, highly idiosyncratic,
and highly unconventional (in the most technical sense of the term)
endeavoursâ (5)--contrast the saga where someone hears a poem and
goes off and works out what it means where no-one else does? â...while
orally produced texts are rooted in a highly specialized, conventional
idiom, one shared by both poets and audiences, fully literate texts
spring from the imaginative well of [6] authors who carefully mold their
thoughts according to their tastes, inclinations, experiences, and abilitiesâ
(5â6). Goes on to argue that oral poets have intentions too (thankfully)
and that there is individual artistryâtradition not static (7), poets
are the traditions (7), how theyâre transmitted doesnât affect what
they mean (7), but seems to do so within the position established in
this quote. âTraditional oral poetics is expressed through a specialized
register, a remarkably economical, useful tool for expressing verbl
art that no doubt developed as an aid to oral poets who had to compose
rapidly during performanceâ (8): clear statement that he thinks of
oral poetry strictly in the Parry-Lord model. Why not just to help memory?
And is it even always there) (As usual, skaldic verse doesnât fit
this well). âFor the literate poet, composition remains an exclusively
private and internal rather than public and communal processâ (8)--really?
Footnote for this is rubbish. âUnlike their oral counterparts, who
are unable to revise or correct metrical deficiencies or narraive infelicities
because for them the acts of composition and presentation are simultaneous,
literate poets have the leisure to dwell over every aspect of their
creationsâ (8) grrrrâboth because of skaldic verse, and because
it ignores the potential importance of repeated performance. Cf. the
Finnegan account of an african storyteller getting more consistent in
his telling over the years. Useful point that all readers individually
produce the text as they real, as presumably do listenersâbut that
in reading, the basis for this is static (8â9). 10 accepts that just
as youâd be hard put to find a purely oral society these days, a purely
literate society is just a heuristic construct. He seems to think itâs
a useful construct anyway, but Iâm less sure. Even when he gets to
âTextuality, Poetic Authority, and Literacy: Problematizing Oral Theoryâ
(12â15), HE SAYS THINGS LIKE âOral poetry, in contrast, deries its
authority from a very different course. While it is necessarily performative
and so depends upon a poetics of presence, its authority paradixically
does not derive mainly from the poets who articulate it. Just as meaning
in traditional poetry inheres in the structures that constitute its
expressive economy, so, too, does an oral poemâs authority lie chiefly
in the tectonics of the tradition itself rather than in the person of
the poet. Oral poets are responsible for the unique shape they give
to their traditional, inherited materials, but they stake no claim to
any sort of originary statusâ (14). Skaldic verse again? I guess no-one
says âI invented this mythâ, but all the same... And if poets are
not saying âI invented thisâ but âthis is how it is/wasâ, thatâs
not inherently oralâitâs a feature of genres which claim to be historical/factual.
âEach piece of verbal art produced withn an oral culture is as authoritative
as any otherâ (14). Obviously rubbish. Cf. flytings. Though Downesâs
article on Beowulf and Unferth does nicely show the usefulness of anthropological
evidenceâtraditionality more useful than orality? âBecause Latinâs
status as a prestige language was unchallenged in both the secular and
ecclesiastical spheres throughout the perod [ASE], its relationship
to the vernacular is generally cast in terms of a simple and strict
polarity ... Latin was the language of discourse among members of monastic
and other religious communities...â (16) dis in Bede article? âWhether
the oral poet is one who (re)composes in performance, recites verbatim
from memory, or reads aloud from a written text, the poem and the tradition
body forth upon his voice. Unlike written texts, which continue âfrequently
to speak without voice the words of the absentâ, oral texts exist
only so long as they are embodied in a living voiceâ (23)--a. ah,
so he does believe in memorial transmission of oral work; b. why doesnât
memory count as a way for oral texts to exist? Amos, Ashley Crandell, Linguistic Means of Determining the Dates
of Old English Literary Texts, Medieval Academy Books, 90 (Cambridge,
Mass.: Medieval Academy of America, 1980). Amours, F.J. (ed.), The Original Chronicle of Andrew of Wyntoun:
Printed on Parallel Pages from the Cottonian and Wemyss MSS., with the
Variants of the Other Texts, The Scottish Text Society, 1st series,
50, 53, XXXX, 56â57, 63, 6 vols (Edinburgh: Blackwood, 1903â14).Gah,
vol 4 missing and thatâs the important one!! *Amundsen, Darrel W., Medicine, Society, and Faith in the Ancient
and Medieval Worlds (London, 1996) [med. z280 1996-A]. Collected essays
job, some look cool. Anderson, Carl XXXX Anderson, Earl R., âThe Uncarpentered World of Old English Poetryâ,
Anglo-Saxon England, 20 (1991), 65â80. 72â3 goes with Shook re Glc
A beorg. Didnât find it very useful or quoteworthy. *Anderson, Earl R. TitleFolk-Taxonomies in Early EnglishAuthor(s)Earl
R AndersonPublisherFairleigh Dickinson Univ PressPublication DateApr
1, 2003SubjectLanguage Arts / Linguistics / LiteracyFormatHardcoverPages592 Anderson, J. G. C. (ed.) Cornelii Taciti: De Origine et Situ Germanorum
(Oxford, 1938). XXXXstyle. MSS all derive from fragmentary Hersfeld
MS C9 or 10, in Iesi Codex (lxii). > X, Y Z > extant MS recensions.
App contains nothing from Germ, only Agric. âAuriniam W [Vindobonensis
1862] m [Monacensis 5307] h [Hummelianus] V [Vaticanus 1862] L [Leidensis
(Perizonianus)] I [Vaticanus 1518] E [Aesinas, Lat. 8]; Albriniam Î
[Vaticanus 4498] et in mg.[margine] vel s.l.[supra lineam] V[Vaticanus
1862] L [Leidensis (Perizonianus)] N [Neapolitanus IV C. 21 (Farnesianus)]
E (Aesinas, Lat. 8); Fluriniam N [Neapolitanus IV C. 21 (Farnesianus)]:
Albrunam Wackernagelâ (no page nos). âAll the extant manuscripts
are of the fifteenth or the early sixteenth centuyâ (lxiv). Hmm, you
need a better ed. than this or Much to explain MSS. Anderson, O. S. (ed.), Old English Material in the Leningrad Manuscript
of Bedeâs Ecclesiastical History, Skrifter utgivna av kungl. humanistika
vetenskapssamfundet i Lund/Acta Regiae Societatis Humaniorum Litterarum
Lundensis, 31 (Lund, 1941). [500:05.c.7.24 NF3] re names 67â *Andersson, Eva, The Common Thread: Textile Production during the
Late Iron AgeâViking Age (Lund, 1999). Andersson, Theodore M., âAn Interpretation of Ăiðreks sagaâ,
in Structures and Meaning in Old Norse Literature, ed. bu John Lindow,
Lars Lönnroth and Gerd Wolfgang Weber, (Odense: Odense University Press,
1986), pp. 347â77. [752:16.c.95.28] Andersson, Theodore M. âFive Saga Books for a New Centuryâ, Journal
of English and Germanic Philology, 103 (2004): 505â28 Andersson, Theodore M., The Growth of the Medieval Icelandic Sagas
(1180â1280) (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006) Andersson, Thorsten, âOrts- und Personennamen als Aussagequelle fĂŒr die altgermanische Religionâ, in Germanische Religionsgeschichte: Quellen und Quellenprobleme, ed. by Heinrich Beck, Detlev Ellmers and Kurt Schier, ErgĂ€nzungsbĂ€nde zum Reallexicon der Germanischen Altertumskunde, 5 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1992), pp. 508â40. âAls Erstglied theophorer Personennamen kommen gemeingermanisch die beiden Götterbezeichnungen *guða- âGottâ und *ansu- âAseâ hĂ€ufig vor ⊠Dagegen bezieht sich *ragina-, das z. B. in wgot. Ragnahilda, frĂ€nk. Ragnovald, awn. Ragnarr, Ragn(h)eiðr vorleigt, eher auf die gemeingermanische Bedeutung âRatâ als auf die nordische Bedeutung de Plurals, nĂ€mlich âGötterâ â (509 citing in the latter case JanzĂ©n 1947, 87; MĂŒller 1970, 197). NB OE Regen- (occurrence in lexical words?). âGemeingermanisch sind auch die Ing-Namen âŠ[510] Interessant ist, daĂ dieser Name in der altschwedischen Form Ingi-, wie L. Hellberg nachgewiesen hat, in den Landschaften um den MĂ€larsee in Mittelschweden in mehreren Siedlungsnamen enthalten istâ (509-10). âKennzeichnend fĂŒr den nordischen Personennamenschatz ist, daĂ auch Namen einzelner Götter als Erstglied auftretenâ (Characteristically for the Norse personal name formation is that names also appear characteristically with gods as first elements, 510). [JanzĂ©n 235-68, 258ff. for this point]. ĂĂłrr; is donar etc. in W. Germ continental names the thunder word? 510-11. âDer Umstand, daĂ das Wort in frĂ€nk. Albthonar auch als Zweitglied erscheint, entscheidet die Frage, da in dieser Stellung ein Göttername nicht zu erwarten istâ [in Förstemann Namenbuch] (The circumstance, that this word appears in Frankish Albthonar also as a second element, decides the question⊠511). Freyr a secondary development, apparently just Norse then (511). 511-12 re ĂĂłr-; seen also as 2ndry, seems to equate it with Ăs. Other god-names as 1st elements in Norse 512-15. No discussion of dĂs or ĂĄlfr.herman Notes ârun(a) names, esp. re priestess figures as found in, e.g. Tacitus: âDiese Funktion liegt sicherlich in demn Zweitglied ârun(a) vor, das âGeheimnis, geheime Kenntisâ bedeutet. Interessant ist dabei, daĂ der hĂ€ufigste der mit ârĂșn zusammengesetzen Namen im Nordischen GuðrĂșn ist und daĂ dieser Name deshalb wahrscheinlich als Vorbild der anderen Namen gedient hat. In GuðrĂșn scheint eine appellativisch sinnvolle Zusammensetzung vorzuliegen, und zwar ein BahuvrÄ«hi-Kompositum mit der Bedeutung âeine, die die Geheimnisse oder die geheimen Kenntisse der Götter besitztâ.â (521). Citing JanzĂ©n 110ff., 166. âSchlieĂlich ist hier auf eine feminine Sonderbezeichnung hinzuweisen, nĂ€mlich awn. dĂs, womit weiblichne Gottheiten und ĂŒbernatĂŒrliche Frauengestalten bezeichnet werden. Dieses Wort kommt vereinzelt in einigen Ortsnamen in Norwegen und Schweden vor, z. B. Disen (< -vin âWeise, Weideâ) bzw. disevid (< -vi âHeiligtumâ âŠ). Auffallend ist, daĂ dĂs auch als Personenname und als Zweitglied von Personennamen (vgl. OðindisaâŠ) verkommt. Da ja Götterbezeichnungen in dieser Stellung sonst vermieden werden, deutet dies auf einen etwas niedrigeren Rang der dĂsir oder aber auf eine parallele, nicht-sakrale Bedeutung des Wortesâ (526). Citing Sandnes 1990, 91; Ström 1985, 192ff. âWenn es sich um Ărtlichkeiten begrenzteren Umfangs handelt, liegt
es nahe, KultstÀtten zu vermuten. in sakralen Ortsnamen oft begegnende
Wörter wie akr, lundr, under (besonders in Norwegen) vangr bezeichnen
zweifellos oft alte KutstĂ€tten ⊠Begrenzte Ărtlichkeiten mit Sakralnamen
lassen aber keinesfalls durchgehend auf eigentliche KultstĂ€tten schlieĂen.
WĂ€rend z. B. Disevid (aschw. Disavi) in Ăstergötland eine KultstĂ€tte
der dĂsir bezeichnet, lĂ€Ăt sich nicht eindeutig eintscheiden, wie
Diseberg (aschw. DisabĂŠrgh) in derselben Landschaft zu verstehen ist.
Hier mag Disevid vergleichbare KultstÀtte gelegen haben, aber es kann
sich auch einfach um einem Berg handeln, der mit den besagten Gottheiten
verknĂŒpft und deshalb verehrt wurdeâ (536). No refs sadly. Nor elves
anywhere here. André, Jacues, Les Noms de Plantes dans la Rome Antique (Paris:
SociĂ©tĂ© DâĂdition âLes Belles Lettresâ, 1985) *AndrĂ©n, Anders, âDoors to Other Worlds: Scandinavian Death Rituals
in Gotlandic Perspectivesâ, Journal of European Archaeology, 1 (1993),
33â55. preseumably=AndrĂ©n, A., âDörrar till förgĂ„ngna myterâen
tolkning av de gotlĂ€ndska bildstenaraâ, in Medeltids födelse, ed.
by A. AndrĂ©n, Symposier pĂ„ Krapperups Borg, 1 (Lund, 1989), pp. 287â319. Ankarloo, Bengt and Gustav Henningsen (eds), Early Modern European
Witchcraft: Centres and Peripheries (Oxford, 1990). looks like itâll
have some interesting articles. Ankarloo, Bengt, âWitch Trials in Northern Europe, 1450â1700â,
in Witchcraft and Magic In Europe: The Period of the Witchc Trials,
by Bengt Ankarloo, Stuart Clark and William Monster, The Athlone History
of Witchcraft and Magic in Europe, 4 (London: Athlone, 2002), pp. 53â95 Anlezark, Daniel, âAn Ideal Marriage: Abraham and Sarah in Old
English Literatureâ, Medium Ăvum, 69 (2000), 187â210 *Ă
qvist, C., âHall och harg: det rituella rummetâ, in Religion
frÄn stenÄlder till medeltid, ed. by K. Engdahl and A. Kaliff, RiksantikvarieÀmbetet:
arkeologiska undersökningar, skrifter, 19 (Linkping, 1996), pp. 105â20. *Arbessmann, Rudolf, âThe Daemonium Meridianum and Greek and Latin
Patristic Exegesisâ, Traditio, 14 (1958), 17â31. *Archibald, Elizabeth, Incest and the Medieval Imagination (Oxford,
2001). dâArdenne, S. R. T. O., Ăe Liflade ant te Passiun of Seinte Iuliene,
Early English Text Society, 248 (Oxford, 1961). Arentâ A. Margaret, âThe Heroic Pattern: Old Germanic Helmetsâ
Beowulf and Grettis sagaââ in Old Norse Literature and Mythology:
A Symposiumâ ed. by Edgar C. PolomĂ© (Austinâ 1969)â pp. 130â99.
(pp. 132â45) Argyll: An Inventory of the Ancient Monuments, The Royal Commission
on the Ancient and Historical Monuments of Scotland, 7 vols ([Edinburgh]:
HMSO, 1971â92) Arnold, C. J., An Archaeology of the Early Anglo-Saxon Kingdoms,
2nd ed. (London: Routledge, 1997) Arnold, Thomas (ed.), Symeonis Monachi opera omnia, The Rolls Series,
75XXXX, 2 volsXXXX (London: Her Majestyâs Stationery Office, 1882â85)
?R542.30.75 DâAronco, Maria Amalia, âThe Botanical Lexicon of the Old English
Herbariumâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 17 (1988), 5-33. BORING! Ărmann Jakobsson, âHistory of the Trolls? BĂĄrðar saga as an
Historical Narrativeâ, Saga-Book of the Viking Society, 25 (1998),
53â71. âhistory or fiction?â 53â60. âIn fact, very little
of what was regarded as history in the Middle Ages would pass muster
in our age, e.g. Historia regum Britanniae by Geoffrey of Monmouthâ
(54). Disses âsupernaturalâ as paradoxical (54â55). Ărmann Jakobsson, âQueens of Terror: Perilous Women in HĂĄlfs
saga and HrĂłlfs saga krakaâ, in Fornaldarsagornas struktur och ideologi:
Handlingar frĂ„n ett symposium i Uppsala 31.8â2.9 2001, ed. by Ărmann
Jakobsson, Annette Lassen and Agneta Ney, Nordiska texter och undersökningar,
28 (Uppsala: Uppsala Universitet, Institutionen för nordiska sprÄk,
2003), pp. 173â89. Ărmann Jakobson, âThe Extreme Emotional Life of Vo[XXXXXhooked
o]lundr the Elfâ, Scandinavian Studies, 227-54 (2006) âIt is also
a pervasive beliefâunsubstantiated by any factual examinationâthat
brutality is a more prominent feature of the past than the present and
that in the past people would have been less shocked and moved by violenceâ
(243)--but contrast sudy of murder rates in Freakonomics. Armstrong, A. M., A. Mawer, F. M. Stenton and Bruce Dickins, The
Place-Names of Cumberland, English Place-Names Society, 20â22, 3 vols
(Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1950â52) Arne, XXXX, Motif-Index of Folk-Literature: A Classification of Narrative
Elements in Folktales, Ballads, Myths, Fables, Mediaeval Romances, Exempla,
Fabliaux, Jest-Books and Local Legends, rev. edn by Stith Thompson (repr.
London, 1966) XXXX Arrhenius, Birgit, âKinship and Social Relations in the Early Medieval
Period in Svealand Elucidated by DNAâ, in The Scandinavians from the
Vendel Period to the Tenth Century: An Ethnographic Perspective, ed.
by Judith Jesch, Studies in Historical Archaeoethnicity, 5 (Woodbridge:
Boydell, 2002), pp. 45â58 (discussion 51â58). Arwill-Nordbladh, Elisabeth, Genuskonstruktioner i nordisk vikingatid: Förr och nu, Gotarc: Gothenburg Archaeological Theses, Series B, 9 ([Gothenburg]: Gotarc, 1998). Glanced only at the english summary due to haste. Mainly historiographical and then Oseberg. Looks decent though. Ăsgeir Blöndal MagnĂșsson, Ăslensk orðsifjabĂłk ([ReykjavĂk]: OrðabĂłk HĂĄskĂłlans, 1989) *Ashmore, W. and A. B. Knapp, Archaeologies of Landscape: Contemporary Perspectives (Oxford, 1999) * Ashcroft, Bill, 'Forcing Newness into the World: Language, Place and Nature', Ariel, 36 (2005), 93-110. English A-0.01 ARI. Holly Mcindoe wrote about this for research methods--it looks pretty cool and interesting re language change and place-names and that kind of thing. Asmark, Ulla, 'Magikyndige kvinder i islĂŠndingesagaerne--terminologi, vĂŠrdiladning og kausalitet', Arkiv för nordisk filologi, 121 (2006), 113-20. Only read the abstract, but she seems to be arguing that if you're fjölkunnigr that's not necessarily bad, and that men who get cursed by witches often have that problem because of their own violence towards the woman, suggesting that 'violence towards a woman makes a man loose [sic] his honour and thus leads to unhapiness and even death. From this point of view it is the killing rather than the curse, [sic] that causes the man's disaster' [113 n. 1]. Not sure what she means here, but sounds interesting--follow up. *Aston, Michael and Carenza Lewis, The Medieval Landscape of Wessex,
Oxbow Monograh, 46 (Oxford: Oxbow, 1994) Ă
ström, Berit, âThe Creation of the Anglo-Saxon Womanâ, Studia
Neophilologica 70 (1998), 25â34. Pretty pants really. âThe focus
of this article is on the study of pagan Anglo-Saxons, and particularly
the creation of the image of women in pagan Anglo-Saxon society. I will
try to demonstrate what happens where there is no questioning of the
basis of the assumptions made about Anglo-Saxon society. Some of the
research quoted is not recent, simply because the field has been neglected
in recent years. The issue is seen as closed, the matter is seen as
resolvedâ (26). Oh, shut up. Atherton, M. , âThe Figure of the Archer in Beowulf and the Anglo-Saxon
Psalterâ, Neophilologus, 77 (1993), 653â57. Handy for psalmy refs
to arrows. Atkinson, Charles M., âO AMNOS TU THEU: The Greek Agnus Dei in
the Roman Liturgy from the Eighth to the Eleventh Centuryâ, Kirchenmusikalische
Jahrbuch, 68 (1981), 7â30. *Atkinson, David, ââUp then Spoke a Bonny Birdâ of Lady Isabelâs
Secret: Transformation in âThe Outlandish Knightââ, Southern Folklore
52 no. 3 (1995), 231-48 Aubailly, Jean-Claude, La fée et le chevalier: essai de mythanalyse
de quelques lais féeriques des XIIe et XIIIe siÚcles, Collection Essais,
10 (Paris: Champion, 1986). Austin, Greta, âMarvelous Peoples or Marvelous Races? Race and
the Anglo-Saxon Wonders of the Eastâ, in Marvels, Monsters, and Miracles:
Studies in the Medieval and Early Modern Imaginations, ed. by Timothy
S. Jones and David A. Sprunger, Studies in Medieval Culture, 42 (Kalamazoo:
Medieval Institute Publications, 2002), pp. 25â51. Focuses only on
the Tiberius textâhas Lat and OE and pictures. âIt is worth pausing
to note that the Wonders conceives of the human body in a manner different
from modern conceptions of it. I would suggest that we tend today to
think of a clear division between human beings and animals. In the Wonders,
however, the human body could be shaded by relative degrees of humanity
and âbestialityâ. certain peoples might have bodies which brought
together combinations of himan and animalâŠâ (41, cf. 41â52 citing
Isidore too). Emphs how enarly everyone called homines and us. depicted
speaking 42â43. But alas, response to the question a bit half-baked
really. Syas theyâre all humans really. Austin, Greta, âJurisprudence in the Service of Pastoral Care:
The Decretum of Burchard of Wormsâ, Speculum, 79 (2004), 929â59 Avis, James, âPolicing the Subject: Learning Outcomes, Managerialism and Research in PCETâ, British Journal of Educational Studies, 48.1 (March 2000), 38â57, DOI: 10.1111/1467-8527.00132. Didnât read this properly but looks very stimulating. B Baetke, Walter, Yngvi und die Ynglinger: Eine quellenkritische Untersuchung
ĂŒber das nordische âSakralkönigtumâ, Sitzungsberichte de sĂ€chsischen
Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse,
109/3 (Berlin: Akademie-verlag, 1964). [P500.c.110.57 NF 3] *Bailey, Michael D., âThe Medieval Concept of the Witchesâ Sabbathâ, Exemplaria, 8 (1996), 419â39; tackles Ginsburg 1991 esp. pp. 424â26. Bailey, Michard D., âFrom Sorcery to Witchcraft: Clerical Conceptions
of Magic in the Later Middle Agesâ, Speculum, 76 (2001), 960â90.
âOver the course of roughly one hundred years, from the early fourteenth
century to the early fifteenth, heightened clerical concern over harmful
sorcery and changing understandings of how magic operated combined with
other factors to push authorities slowly but inexorably into accepting,
defining, and promulgating the full horrors of witchcraftâ (961)--article
basically about unpacking this in more detail; intellectual history
approach. Read the first bits; seems to be case-studies of several dudes,
starting with Bernardo Gui. Looks okay but nother very exciting. Good
to say youâve read it though. Bailey, Richard N., âScandinavian Myth on Viking-Period Stone Sculpture
in Englandâ, in Old Norse Myths, Literature and Society: Proceedings
of the 11th International Saga Conference, 2â7 July 2000, University
of Sydney, ed. by Geraldine Barnes and Margaret Clunies Ross (Sydney,
2000), 15â23. [Also at http://www.arts.usyd.edu.au Baker, John T., Cultural Transition in the Chilterns and Essex Region, 350 AD to 650 AD, University of Hertford Press Studies in Regional and Local History, 4 (Hatfield: University of Hertfordshire Press, 2006). I've just skimmed it cherry picking bits that seem handy for place-name continuity discussion--need to come back it. Basically it's about correlating arch and place-names; doesn't seem deeply to register the concerns raised by Hills in the Higham Britons book about arch distribution being more about modern building than medieval distribution; not aware of the work on -ingas names actually maybe being old like they always used to be. Maps all topographic names, and then only those the elements attested in Cox's early names article (with a couple of additions); 'It is clear from the two maps of topographical place-names that there is no precise correlation between their distribution and that of the Germanic archaeology. This ma mean that topographical place-names are a less effective indicator of early Old English influence than current theories would suggest, always assuming that the spread of linguistic and material cultures are in some way linked together' (198); 'Having looked in detail at Old English topographical place-names it is difficult to draw firm conclusion about their worth as indicators of early Old English influence in the Chilterns and Essex region. Individually the elements are often too sparse in number for a true pattern to emerge; grouped together the picture produced by the topographical elements is unclear. This is due in part to the longevity of some of these supposedly early elements. Even if they were the first elements used by Old English place-name givers, their usage seems to have continued into the middle and later Anglo-Saxon periods. It may also be a weakness of a local study of this kind that individual elements are too few in number to display characteristics of much value' (216). Re hĂĄm names, notes that three C7 names have been lost and that 'If this case is not exceptional, then it may explain the lack of hĂĄm[actually macron] clusters to the west, especially in Buckinhamshire and Bedfordshire, since these counties are not represented by early records' (221). 222 names like -hamstead more scattered distribution than -ham names--interesting. Marginal settlements? Bakhtin, Mikhail, Rabelais and his World, trans. by Helene Iswolsky
(Bloomington, 1984) [738.27.c.95.40]. âA boundless world of humorous
forms and manifestations opposed the official and serious tone of medieval
ecclesiastical and feudal cultureâ (4). Ballard, Linda-Mary, âFairies and the Supernatural on Reachraiâ,
in The Good People: New Fairylore Essays, ed. by Peter NarvĂĄez, Garland
Reference Library of the Humanities, 1376 (New York: Garland, 1991),
pp. 47â93. *Bamberger, Bernard J., Fallen Angels (New York, 1952) Bamberger, Joan, âThe Myth of Matriarchy: Why Men Rule in Primitive
Societyâ, in Woman, Culture and Society, ed. by Michelle Zimbalist
Rosaldo and Louise Lamphere (Stanford, 1974), pp. 263â80. âTo cast
doubt, as I have just done, on the historical evidence for the Rule
of Women is not the same thing as challenging the significance of the
mythologies of matriarchy. The main issue would seem not to be [267]
whether women did or did not hold positions of political importance
at some point in prehistory, or even whether they took up weapons and
fought in battle as the Amazons allegedly did, but that there are myths
claiming women did these things, which they now no longer doâ (266-67).
âMyth and rituals have been misinterpreted as persistent reminders
that women once has, and then lost, the eat of power. This loss accrued
to them through inappropriate conduct ⊠The myths constantly reiterate
that women did not know how to handle power when they had it. The loss
is thereby justified so long as women choose to accept the myth. The
Rule of Women, instead of heralding a promising futre, harks back to
a past darkened by repeated failuresâ (280). âEven the Iroquois,
once a stronghold for âmatriarchistsâ, turn out to be matrilineal
only, although Iroquois society still comes the closest to representing
Bachofenâs ideal âgynocratic stateâ, since Iroquois women played
a decisive role in lineage and village politics. Yet in spite of the
substantial power wielded by women, men were chosen consistently as
political leadersâ (266). *Bammesberger, A., Problems of Old English Lexicography: Studies
in Memory of Angus Cameron, EichstÀtter BeitrÀge, 15 (Regensburg,
1985) Alfred Bammesberger, Die Morphologie des urgermanischen Nomens, Untersuchungen
zur vergleichenden Grammatik der germanischen Sprachen, 2 (Heidelberg,
1990) [775.c.98.257]. 123-27 re history of i-stem inflexions. Cool. Bammesberger, Alfred, 'The Etymology of Germanic *idis-', Nowele: North-Western European Language Evolution, 52 (2007), 81-89. 'ON dĂs 'woman, lady, goddess' must not be related etymologically to Gmc. *idis because the two forms do not match phonologically; on dĂs see Birkhan 1970:535 [Germanen und Kelten bis zum Ausgang der Römerzeit]. Since no generally accepted etymology is available for ON dĂs the following tentative derivation may be submitted. A stem in -s- to the root *dhei[syllabification marker looking like an inverted breve under the i]H- 'sehen, schauen' (Pokorny 1959:243, Rix 1998:123 'ins Auge fassen') can be postulated as IE *dhei[syllabification marker looking like an inverted breve under the i]H-s- and leads to Gmc. *deis- > *di[macron]s-; on filudeisei see in particular Casaretto (2004:286)' (85 n. 5). Argue against a 2000 etymology by Eichner which indeed looks troublesome (because of the -i- in Tacitus's idistauisto--if that is cognate with ides, and because its Gmc root would appear otherwise is OHG etar 'pale in a fence' only; 82). Bammesberger goes for IE *aidh- (*h2ei[syllabiciation marker under i]dh-), 'and *idis may reflect IE *idh-Ă©s- (*h2idh-Ă©s-) with zero-grade of the root' (83) cognate with Skt. Ă©dhas 'firewood' anda Gk word for 'fire, embers'. 'For the s-stem IE *h2idh-Ă©s- > Gmc. *id-es- > * id-is- the basic meaning can be assumed to have been 'fire, flame, burning' etc.' (83) with some sort of personification, as with Lat ignis meaning fire but also god of fire (84-85), or maybe you could go for the idea that fire defines houses (as in some semantic ev.) and houses define women (cf. domus > domina) (84). Ho hum, hardly ideal, but maybe progress! Bandle, Oskar (ed.), The Nordic Languages: An International Handbook
of the History of the North Germanic Languages, HandbĂŒcher zur Sprach-
und Kommunikations-wissenschaft, 22, 2 vols (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2002) *Bang, A. C., Norse Hexeformularer (SVSC II, nr. 1, Kra. 1901â2)
ref from KLNM. Banks, S. E. and J. W. Binns (ed. and trans.), Gervase of Tilbury:
âOtia Imperialiaâ, Recreation for an Emperor (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2002). Probably completed c. 1215 (xxxixâxl). III.86 âDe
lamiis et nocturnis laruisâ; III.93 âDe fantasiis nocturnis opinionesâ *Barley, Nigel F., âAnglo-Saxon Magico-Medicineâ, Journal of
the Anthropological Society of Oxford, 3 (1972), 67â76. Barley, Nigel F., âPerspectives on Anglo-Saxon Namesâ, Semiotica, 11 (1974), 1â31. 1-4 discusses dichotomy between motivated names (e.g. Dartmouth) and unmotivated (e.g. London)noting in fact that rarely will extremes and mutual exclusivity be found. âOne of the most basic questioned in the study of Anglo-Saxon names has always been whether they are to be regarded as arbitrary or motivated. This, however, is a false formulation of the problem. The regularity of the Anglo-Saxon naming system is such that one cannot speak of arbtrariness. One can only discuss strength of motivation and its internal or external emphasisâ (5). âThe set of personal names was not closed but the set of morphemes from which they were compounded apparently wasâ (5). Names externally motivated by grammatical gender of 2nd element (6). NB names sometimes derive elements from motherâs name as well as tendency to allit with fatherâs (8). âAs regards simple repetition of whole names within a family, it seems that for the oldest period, this does not regulary occur among these Anglo-Saxons but it should be admitted that information is somewhat limited. As time goes on, however, we note a distinct tendency towards the replacement of simple alliteration by variation, reduction of the number of elements involves and a subsequently higher number of repetitionsâ (9). âThe discrete morphemes of which the bithematic personal names are formed are linguistically [sic] meaningful and were generally intelligible to the Anglo-Saxons that bore them. This is evident from the attempts of literati to latinise their own names. Thus, Heahstan becomes Alta Petra and Wulfstan simultaneously translates and abbreviates his name to Lupus. The actual linguistic meaning of the syntagmatic constituents plays no part in the motivation of the name, however ⊠(Hence it is most dubious to attempt to use name elements to reconstruct Old English pagan beliefs as does Dickins, 1933)â (13). Liar! dICKINS NEVER DID! Well, not in terms of syntagmatic relations. Relation to kennings 18-25. NB Emma becomes Ălfgyfu when she marraies ĂĂŸelred of Wessex (dad
of Edward the Conf.). Shows power of naming system (9â10). 15 dithematic
names as social markers. Barnicle, Mary Elizabeth (ed.), The Seege or Batayle of Troye: A
Middle English Metrical Romance, Early English Text Society, 172 (London:
Oxford University Press, 1927). xxx-xxxiii reckons 1st quarter C14 mainly
on ev. of arms in the poem. Barrett, Justin L., and Frank C. Keil, âConceptualizing a Nonnatural
Entity: Anthropomorphism in God Conceptsâ, Cognitive Psychology, 31
(1996), 219â47. Barrett, Justin L., âCognitive Constraints on Hindu Concepts of
the Divineâ, Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 37 (1998),
608â19 *Barrow, G. W. S., The Kingdom of the Scots (London, 1973) Bartlett, Robert, âSymbolic Meanings of Hair in the Middle Agesâ,
Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 6th series, 4 (1994),
43â60. *Bartlett, Robert, âThe Miracles of St Modwenna of Burtonâ, Staffordshire
Studies, 8 (1996), 24â26. Two walking corpses, hanging out by Drakelow,
wander through village causing plague. Classic stuff and set in 1090s.
Havenât read this article yet. Bartlett, Robert, England under the Norman and Angevin Kings, 1075â1225
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2000) Bartra, Roger, Wild Men in the Looking Glass: The Mythic Origins of European Otherness, trans. by Carl T. Berrisford (Ann Arbor, 1994). âWhite details the existence of a mythological space inhabited by wild men that are clearly distinguishable from barbarians. In contrast with barbarians, who constituted a threat to society in general and to Greek society as a whole, the wild man represented a threat to the individual. Either a s a possible destiny or nemesis, the wild man reflected a condition of a degenerate individual, far from the city, and fallen from grace. This space was peropled by human and quasi-human mythical wild men, whose links with ânormalâ humanity differed from the relationship between civilized man and barbarian. White clearly demonstrates that, conventionally, barbarian lands were geographically remote, and the moment of their incursion upon the frontiers of the Greek world would signal an apocalypse: the appearance of hordes of barbarians implied the fracturing of the foundation of the world and the death of an epoch. In contrast the wild man is omnipresent, inhabiting the immediate confines of the community. He is found in the neighbouring forests, mountains and islandsâ (14). âCentaurs were important elements for structuring the relations between a wild existence nand a civilized life. They formed a myth with twin poles, one as a wild man who was humanoid and the other as a wise and just man who was bestial. Pholus and Chiron represented the nature/culture duality inscribed in the centaurâs intricate character. I further wish to incorporate an element of freat significance in the later evolution of the myth of the wild man. How can a human with wild characteristics (Chiron) represent wisdom and culture, as well as be a great educator of heroes. [sic re punct!] âThe answer must lie partly, at least, with the superhuman qualities of nature itself: in the wisdom of birds and other wild creatures, from which seers like Teiresias, Melampus, and Polydus learn of the future.â Not only did nature savagely aassault civilized man, but nature also communicated the signs and symbols of a profound knowledge. This odd link between a wild nature and a prophetic knowledge becomes, as we shall see, a recurring theme under different phases in both the medieval and the modern myth of the wild manâ (16). 23 re maenadsâcf. wild hunt. 33ff. re Faunusâparallel to Freyr? 39-40 good parallel to Templar initiaitions. 45ff. re Pilosi saltabunt ibi. 80 druids living in forests as cf. wild man. interesting? 83-4 distinction between man in wild state and wild being (+89-90).
Hmm. Bartrum, P. C., âFairy Mothersâ, Bulletin of the Board of Celtic
Studies, 19 (1960-62), 6-8. âSeveral instances occur in Welsh folklore
of families which claimed to be descended from a fairy ancestor, but
in Welsh âheroicâ legend examples are very rare. This, at first
sight, is surprising if we compare with Irish legend, and the difference
is evidently due to the entirely different manner in which the remains
of Welsh heroic legend have come down to usâ (6). What about Pryderiâs
ancestry!? Ceridwen, presumed mother of Taliesin acc. to Hanes Taliesin
(6); Modron daughter of Afallach, one of the âThree blessed pregnanciesâ
in some triad. Peniart MS 147, pp. 10-11 (1556), legend of Rhyd y Gyfarthfa
where âthe name of the lady is not given but she is said to have been
the daughter of the King of Annwnâ (7, cf. 6-7). all a bit elliptical
for me, mate. Elliptically suggests a âhlaf-forgttenâ case in Bonedd
y Saint. Hmm⊠(7). Actually, this is rather pants. Bartsch, Karl (ed.), Albrecht von Halberstadt und Ovid im Mittelalter
(Quedlinburg, 1861, repr. Amsterdam, 1965). Weird. \t, Steve, âHow the West was Won: The Anglo-Saxon Takeover of the
West Midlandsâ, Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, 11
(2000), 107â18. *Bate, A. K., Waltharius of Gaeraldus (Reading, 1978) Paul Battles, âOf Graves, Caves and Subterranean Dwellings: EorðscrĂŠfe
and Eorðsele in The Wifeâs Lamentâ, Philological Quarterly, 73
(1994), 267â86 Battles, Paul, âDwarfs in Germanic Literature: Deutsche Mythologie
or Grimmâs Myths?â, in The Shadow-Walkers: Jacob Grimmâs Mythology
of the Monstrous, ed. by Tom Shippey, Medieval and Renaissance Texts
and Studies, 291/Arizona Studies in the Middle Ages and the Renaissance,
14 (Tempe, AZ: Arizon Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies, 2005),
pp. 29â82. Lots on German medieval texts alongside the Norse stuff
etc. Donât think itmentions the Ribe cranium. âFour Old Engish charms
prescribe various ways of waarding off âa dwarfâ, though it is not
always clear whether dweorg denotes [34] the agent of a disease, its
symptoms, or the disease itself. Did the Anglo-Saxons really believe
that these diseases were caused by dwarfs? Or ahad this already begcome
a dead metaphor, just as today the term âstrokeâ does not conjure
up the image of an invisible being âstriking someone downâ? Scholars
who believe the latter de-emphasize the mythological element in the
Old English dwarf charms, suggesting that âdwarfâ simply denotes
âfeverâ. However, the passage from Peri Didaxeon usually cited in
support of this claim is ambiguous. It reads (the reference is to an
asthmatic), âhwile he riĂŸaĂŸ swilce he on dweorge syâ, literally
âat times he shakes as if from a dwarfâ [so actually not literally
that at all!!]. This translates the Latin interdum et febriunt [at times
they are feverish]â (33â34). More on this to p. 35. Including transation
of ad verrucas as âdweorg onweg to donneâ 35 n. 22. Bauschatz, Paul C., âUrthâs Wellâ, Journal of Indo-European Studies, 3 (1975), 53â86. Citable re etymology of wyrd, urðr, verðandi, skuld. One or two dodgy bits but basically okay. esp. 55, 59â63 acceptable e.g. for equation of nornar with parcae, earlier Gk. ÎÎżÎčÏαÎč [eek, is the rho there right? And hat on the first i] with a bit of discussion. Bawcutt, Priscilla, âElrich Fantasyis in Dunbar and Other Poetsâ,
in Bryght Lanternis: Essays on the Language and Literature of Medieval
and Renaissance Scotland, ed. by J. Derrick McClure and Michael R. G.
Spiller (Aberdeen, 1989), pp. 162-78. âI find the phrase âelrich
fantasyisâ [<Douglas Aeneid Vi prol.] a useful label for a small
group of humorous poems, preserved chiefly in the Bannatyne Manu[163]scriptâ
(162-63). âIt is probable that they belong to the last decades of
the fifteenth or the early decades of the sixteenth centuryâ (163).
âIn Lichtounâs Dreme the poet dreams that he is âtaneâ by âthe
king of faryeâ â In Kynd Kittok âKittokâs adventures start when
she comes to âane elrich wellâ (8). Such magic wells seem to function
in Scottish and Irish tradition, âas the extreme limit of the known
worldâ â (163, citing Wood 1986). Re Fergus Gaist (âessentially
a mock-conjuration of a troublesome ghostâ 164) âthe offspring of
Fergusâs ghost and âthe Spen3ie fleâ are Orpheus and queen âElphaâ
â (163). âMost of these poems are included in Bannatyneâs âmirrie
ballatisâ, and are undoubtedly humorous. Unlike some great ballads
or Sir Gawain and the Green Knight they do not draw us far into an enchanted
worldâ (164). âDunbar, however, in The Goldin Targe (125-6) calls
Pluto an âelrich incubusâ. This seems to fuse god, demon and fairy,
recalling Plutoâs rape of Proserpina as well as his medieval identification
with thvae king of faerieâ (166). Otherwise not very useful re eldrich
but good in other respects. Setting up Dunbar and his use of the devil
relative to these other forms. Dunbar less jocular, more sinister, she
reckons. And other things. *Bawden, Charles R., Confronting the Supernatural: Mongolian Traditional
Ways and Means: Collected Papers (Wiesbaden, 1994) [NF2 461:84.c.95.4] Bazire, Joyce and James E. Cross (ed.), Eleven Old English Rogationtide
Homilies, Kings College London Medieval Studies, 4, 2nd edn (London:
Kings College London, 1989) *Beck, H., âA Runological and Iconographical Interpretation of
North-Sea Germanic Rune-Solidiâ, Michigan Germanic Studies, 7 (1981),
69-88. 69ff re Frisian runes weladu. *Beck, Wolfgang, Die Merseburger ZaubersprĂŒche, Imagines Medii Aevi,
16 (Wiebaden: Reichert, 2003) *Beckensall, Stan, Northumberland Field Names (Newcastle-upon-Tyne,
n.d.). Becker, Alfred, Franks Casket: Zu den Bildern und Inschriften des
RunenkÀstchens von Auzon, Sprache und Litteratur: Regensburger Arbeiten
zur Anglistik und Amerikanistik, 5 (Regensburg: Carl, 1973) Becker, Gertraud, Geist und Seele im AltsÀchsischen und im Althochdeutschen:
Der Sinnbereich des Seelischen und die Wörter gĂȘst-geist und seola-sĂȘla
in den DenkmÀlern bis zum 11. Jahrhundert (Heidelberg, 1964) [746:25.c.95.1
NW3]Relevant re Glc A? Ah, that OS, not OEâŠ! Bek-Pedersen, Karen, 'Are the Spinning Nornir just a Yarn?', Viking and Medieval Scandinavia, 3 (2007), 1-10. *Behr, C., âThe Origins of Kingship in Medieval Kentâ, Early
Medieval Europe, 9 (2000), 25â52. 39â45 app. re Thunor story and
argues that Eastrym Finglesham and Woodnesborough consituted a major
C6 cult centre associated with Woden. Behringer, Wolfgang, Shaman of Oberstdorf: Chonrad Stoecklin and
the Phantoms of the Night, trans. by H. C. Midelfort (Charlottesville,
Virginia, 1998). p. 63 re Joan of Arc but looks generally interesting.
[UL only has German ï] *Belier, Wouter, Decayed Gods (Leiden 1991). Dunno whatâs in ehre
by Sjöblom cited and may be interesting⊠Bell, A., âGaimar and the Edgar-Ălfðryð Storyâ, Modern Language
Review, 21 (1926), 278â87. Alas, doesnât even summarise the story,
but tackels various issues re it likely origins etc. Emphs poss of oral
origins and no relation to William of Malmesnuryâs account. Bell, Alexander (ed.), LâEstoire des Engleis by Geffrei Gaimar, Anglo-Norman Texts, 14â16 (Oxford, 1960). Elftroed indexed as Ălfthryth, queen of Edgar, k. of England (298). lines 3607ff. King Edgar tells his brother Edelwold that heâs in love with âElftroed la fille oRgarâ (at 3633). Then narrator says stuff and âOrgar juot a uns eschĂ©s, / Un giu quâil aprist as Daneis; / Od lui [juout] Elftroad la bele, / Suz ciel nâot tele damoisele, / E Edelwold mult lâesgardat, / Trestut un jur i demurat. / Tant lâesgardat vis e colur / E cors e mains la bele flur / Que quidat [bien] que [ço] fust fee / E quâele ne fust de femme nee / E quant la vit de tel belted, / Tant [par] en fud enlumined / Quâil purpensat en sun curage, / U turt a pru u a damage, / Ne dirat mie a sun seignur / [117] La verited cil traĂŻtur, / Ainz dirat quâele nâest pas si bele; / De luinz purtraist la grant puscele.â (ll. 3649â3666, pp. 116â17). date and place liâlii; âThe Estoire des Engleis ⊠was written
in England by an author who had lived long enough in the country, even
if not actually born there, to acquire a considerable knowledge of the
native languageâ (li); concludes for 1135Ă40 *Bell, James A., âInterpretation and Testability in Theories about
Prehistoric Thinkingâ, The Ancient Mind, ed. by C. Renfrew and E.
B. W. Zubrow (Cambridge, 1994), pp. 15â21. Bennardo, Giovanni, âLanguage, Mind, and Culture: From Linguistic
Relativity to Representational Modularityâ, in Mind, Brain, and Language:
Multidisciplinary Perspectives, ed. by Marie T. Banich and Molly Mack
(Mahwah, N.J.: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, 2003), pp. 23â59. Bennet, Gillian, Traditions of Belief: Women and the Supernatural
(Harmondsworth, 1987). [reading room, 9000.d.2870] Bennett, Margaret, âBalquhidder Revisited: Fairylore in the Scottish
Highlands, 1690â1990â, in The Good People: New Fairylore Essays,
ed. by Peter NarvĂĄez, Garland Reference Library of the Humanities,
1376 (New York: Garland, 1991), pp. 94â115. *Benozzo, Francesco, Landscape Perception in Early Celtic Literature,
Celtic Studies Publications, 8 (Aberystwyth: Celtic Studies Publications,
2004). Very litty and badly language-checked, but interesting-looking. Benson, Larry D. and Theodore M. Andersson (eds and transs XXXX),
The Literary Context of Chaucerâs Fabliaux: Texts and Translations
(Indianapolis: Bobbs-Merrill, 1971). Irregang and Girregar 124â93.
Elbisch: lines 648, 934, 1206, 1310; alp: lines 653, 676, 873. Benson, Larry D. (ed.), The Riverside Chaucer, 3rd ed. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1987). Shipmanâs tale: âCosyn,â quod she,âif that I hadde a space, As I have noon, and namely in this place, Thanne wolde I telle a legende of my lyf, What I have suffred sith I was a wyf With myn housbonde, al be he youre cosyn.â (204â5, ll. 143â47/
1333â37). Hmm, v. like WfL, cf. âFor I may synge âallas and weylawey
/ That I was born,â but to no wight, quod sheâ (204, ll. 118â19/1308â9)
shows allusion to lyrics etc. She also uses proverbial wisdom 173â77. Benson, Larry D., A Glossarial Concordance to the Riverside Chaucer, 2 vols (London, 1993) [NW1 719:2.b.95.7-]. Elf: MilT (1) 3479: This Nicholas sat ay as stille as stoon, / And evere caped upward
into the eir. / This carpenter wende he were in despeir, / And hente
hym by the sholdres myghtily, / And shook hym harde, and cride spitously,
/ âWhat! Nicholay! what, how! what, look adoun! / Awak, and thenk
on Cristes passioun! / I crouche thee from elves and fro wightes.[â]
/ Therwith the nyght-spel seyde he anon-rightes / On foure halves of
the hous aboute, / And on the thressfold of the dore withoute: / âJhesu
Crist and seinte Benedight, / Blesse this hous from every wikked wiht,
/ For nyghtes verye, the white pater-noster! / Where wentestow, seinte
Petres soster?â (Everyman: the meaning of these lines is obscureâ
re last two). MLT (2) 754: The mooder was an elf, by aventure WBT (3) 860: The elf-queene, with hir joly compaignye WBT (3) 864: But now kan no man se none elves mo, WBT (3) 873: For the as wont to walken was an elf ProThop (7) 703: He semeth elvyssh by his contenaunce, Thop (7) 788: An elf-queene shal my lemman be Thop (7) 790: âAn elf-queene wol I love, ywis, Thop (7) 795: And to an elf-queene I me take Thop (7) 799: An elf-queene for tâespye, CYT (8) 751: Oure elvysshe craft, we semen wonder wise, CYT (8) 842: In lernyng of this elvysshe nyce loore, So only in CTs, then. Hmm. Can they be correlated with genre, status
of speakers, etc.? *Benveniste, Emile, Indo-European Language and Society (Coral Cables,
1972) Berglund, Björn E., âModels for reconstructing Ancient Cultural
Landscapes: The Example of the Viking Age Landscape at BjÀresjö, SkÄne,
Southern Swedenâ, in Environment and Vikings: Scientific Methods and
Techniques, ed. by Urve Miller and Helen Clarke, Birka Studies, 4 (Stockholm:
The Birka Project, 1997), pp. 31â45. [595.01.c.16.4] Not much on the
culture end really, more about where woods and pastures were etc. Bergmann, Rolf, Verzeichnis der althochdeutschen und altsÀchsischen
Glossenhandschriften, Arbeiten zur FrĂŒhmittelalterforschung: Schriftenreihe
des Instituts fĂŒr FrĂŒhmittelalterforschung der UniversitĂ€t MĂŒnster
(Berlin, 1973). Seems to be complete list of gloss MSS in AHD and ALG.
Ed. by Seivers and suppl. Mayer. [R785.G105 WALRUS] 85 re Junius 83!
A summary catalogue of Western Manuscripts in the Bobleian Library,
II, 2, Nr. 5194, s. 981-982. W. Braekman and M. Gysseling, Het Utrechtse
Kalendarium van 1253 met de Noordlimburgse Gezondheidsregels, Koninklijke
Vlaamse Academie voor Taalâen Letterkunde. Verslagen en Mededelingen
1967, Aflevering 9-12, S. 575-635 (S. 575-580). Berger, Peter L. and Thomas Luckmann, The Social Construction of Reality: A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (London: Lane, 1967). Re reality and knowledge: âWe need not enter here into adiscussion of the semantic intricacies of either the everyday or the philosophical usage of these terms. It will ne enough, for our purposes, to define ârealityâ as a quality appertaining to phenomena that we recognize as having been independent of our own volition (we cannot âwish them awayâ), and to define âknowledgeâ as the certainty that phenomena are real and that they possess specific characteristics. It is in this (admittedly simplistic) sense that the terms have relevance both to the man in the steet and to the philosopherâ (13). Discusses how although the sociologist canât just accept reality and knowledge like the man in the street (if only cos different socieites obviously do them differently), he canât be trying to make ultimate decisions about their validity like a philosopher (14â15). In between. âIt is our contention, then, that the sociology of knowledge must concern itself with whatever passes for âknowledgeâ in a society, regardless of the ultimate validity of invalidity (by whatever criteria) of such âknowledgeâ. And in so far as all human âknowledgeâ is developed, transmitted and maintained in social situations, the sociology of knowledge must seek to understand the processes by which this is done in such a way that a taken-for-granted ârealityâ congeals for the man in the street. In other words, we content that the sociology of knowledge is concerned with the analysis of the social contruction of reality.â (15). âAmong the multiple realities there is one that presents itself as the reality par excellence. This is the reality of everyday life. ⊠// I apprehend the reality of everyday life as an ordered reality. Its phenomena are prearranged in patterns that seem to be independent of my apprehension of them and that impose themselves upon the latter. The reality of everyday life appears already objectified, that is, constituted by an order of objects that have been designated as objects before my appearance on the scene. The language used in everyday life continuously provides me with the necessary objectifications and posits the order within which these make sense and within [36] which everryday life has meaning for me. I live in a place that is geographically designated; I employ tools, from can-openers to sports cars, which are designated in the technical vocabulary of my society; I live within a web of human relationships, from my chess club to the Unites States of America, which ae also ordered by means of vocabulary. In this manner language marks the coordinates of my life in society and fills that life with meaningful objectsâ (35â36). The here and now, the world within my physical reach, the realissimum, the reality par excellence. Other parts of everyday life more distant, spacially or temporally, possibly of less interest, certainly less urgent (36â37). Emphs that although you may enter other realities, as when watching a play, in religious experience, etc., everyday reality remains paramount (39); âIf nothing else, language makes sure of this. The common language available to me for the objectification [40] of my experiences is grounded in everyday life and keeps pointing back to it even as I employ it to interpret experiences in finite provinces of meaning. Typically, therefore, I âdistortâ the reality of the latter as soon as I begin to use the common language in interpreting them, the is, I âtranslateâ the non-everyday experiences back into the paramount reality of everyday lifeâ (39â40); but surely it cuts both waysâlanguage facilitates social realities? Temporality dead important 40â42. Talks about typicifations and social interaction. The more face-to-face your experience of someone, the less anonymous and typified they are etc. (43â48). Elves are presumably pretty typified as a rule but some of the Scottish trials suggest other angles here. Language dead important in the âobjectivationâ of reality, 49â61.
âThe common objectivations of everyday life are maintained primarily
by linguistic signification. Everyday life is, above all, life with
and by means of the language I share with my fellowmen [sic]. An understanding
of [52] language is thus essential for any understanding of the reality
of everyday life. // Language has its origins in the face-to-face situation,
but can be readily detached from it. This is not only because I can
shout in the dark or across a distance ⊠Th detachment of language
lies much more basically in its capacity to communicate meanings that
are not direct expressions of subjectivity âhere and nowâ. It shares
this capacity with other sign systems, but its immense variety and complexity
make it much more readily detachable from the face-to-face situation
than any other (for example, a system of gesticulations). I can speak
about innumerable matters that are not present at all in the face-to-face
situation, including matters I hever have and never will experience
directly. In this way, language is capable of becoming the objective
repository of vast accumulations of meaning and experience, which it
can then preserve in time and transmit to following generationsâ (51â52).
Develops this to 54. âMoreover, language is capable of transcending
the reality of everyday life altogether. It can refer to experiences
pertaining to finite provinces of meaning, and it can span discrete
spheres of realityâ (54). âAny significative theme that thus spans
spheres of reality may be defined as a symbol, and the linguistic mode
by which such transcendence is achieve may be called symbolic language.
On the level of symbolism, then, linguistic signification attains the
maximum detachment from the âhere and nowâ of everyday life, and
language soars into regions that are not only de facto but a priori
unavailable to everyday experience. Language now constructs immense
edifices of symbolic representations that appear to tower over the reality
of everyday life like gigantic presences from another world. Religion,
philosophy, art, and science are the historically most important symbol
systems of this kind. To name these is already to say that, despite
the maximal detachment from everyday experience that the construction
of these systems requires, they can be of very great importance indeed
for the reality of everyday lifeâ (55). Berleant-Schiller 1991 in texts folder. Two main issues: âThe first
concerns the relationship between naming processes and and landscape
processes, and entails a long overdue questioning and reassessment of
the hallowed first principle of place name methodologyâthe axiom that
place-names stand independently as evidence of the environments, land
uses, and landscapes of the past. This axiom is seldom either questioned
(but see Lind 1962) or confirmed, but this paper offers empirical evidence
by which to assess it gathered from on-site observation of landscape
changes and from the information given by local informantsâ (93).
93â97 sort of mainly just about microtoponymy and how its original
referents prove not to be as obvious as you might expect and how itâs
sort of unstable. But the island only has one village, so thereâs
almost no macrotoponymy to speak of. 97â bla boring. Berman, Melissa A., âEgils saga and Heimskringlaâ, Scandinavian
Studies, 54 (1982), 21â50. Alas, has no real discussion of the attribution
to Snorri. *Bernheimer, Richard, Wild Men in the Middle Ages: A Study in Art,
Sentiment, and Demonology (Cambridge, Mass., 1952) Bertelsen, Henrik, Ăiðriks saga af Bern, Samfund til udgivelse
af gammel nordisk litteratur, 34, 2 vols (Copenhagen: MĂžller, 1905â11)
[752.01.d.2.32] ii 324, Högni and Ăiðrekr have to fight; Högni says
âvinnum ĂŸetta einvigi með drengskap. oc fĆri nu huargi aðrum ibrigzli
sina Ćttâ. But Ăiðrekr loses temper: âĂa mellte hann ĂŸetta
er vist mikilskom er ec stendr her allan dag. oc fyr mer skal standa
oc beriaz einn alfs son. Nu suarar hogni. huat ma verra von fyr alfs
son en diovolsins sialfs. (ch. 391 in Haymesâs trans). But I canât
see the svartialf variant at allâcheck other ed.? Best, R. I., âThe Adventures of Art Son of Conn, and the Courtship
of DelbchĂŠmâ, Ăriu, 3 (1907), 149â73. Basically story about how
Artâs stepmother geises him to have to marry Delbchaem daughter of
Morgan (DelbcÊm ingin Morgain p. 162). The stepmother herself is Bécuma,
banished from the Tuatha DĂ© Danann who hang out in âThe land of promiseâ
(Tir Thairngaire orsomesuch, dunno re endings, 150) and seem to be assoc.
with sĂdhe (152); she herself pulls Conn, Artâs dad (despite being
aiming for Conn). Cross motif index refers to Artâs efforts to win
Delbchaem, apparently from the Land of Wonders (Tire na nIngnadh dunno
re endings, p. 170/§28) since it says he rules this and Art takes it
when he kills Morgan. So hardly a fairy lover!! Bethurum, Dorothy (ed.), The Homilies of Wulfstan (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1957) Bibire, Paul, âFreyr and Gerðr: The Story and its Mythsâ, in
Sagnaskemmtun: Studies in Honour of Hermann PĂĄlsson on his 65th Birthday,
28th May 1986, ed. by Rudolf Simek, JĂłnas KristjĂĄnsson and Hans Bekker-Nielsen
(Wien: Böhlaus, 1986), pp. 19â40. âIt is striking how many motifs
are used in SkĂrnismĂĄl which are associated not with the Vanir but
with Ăðinn: HlĂðskjĂĄlf (only in the prose), rune-magic, Draupnir,
and indirectly perhaps also Suttungrâs supernatural mead of poetic
wisdomâ; collaspse of demarcation of motifs maybe showing lateness
(34). *Biddick, K., âField Edge, Forest Edge: Early Medieval Social Change
and Resource Allocationâ, in Archaeological Approaches to Medieval
Europe, ed. by K. Biddick (Kalamazoo, Mich.: XXXX, 1984), pp. 105â18. Bierbaumer, Peter, Der botanische Wortschatz des Altenglischen, 3 vols, Grazer BeitrĂ€ge zur Englischen Philologie, 1â3 (Bern: Lang, 1975â79). Bierbaumer [NW4 768.c.97.98â100] I, 13f, II 7, III, 15 re Consolida Media. i (re leechbook) 9â10: ĂLFĂONE: f. n-St. Nsg. ĂŠlfĂŸone: 24/35; 98/34; 103/24; 107/31; 108/29; Gsg. ĂŠlfĂŸonan: 106/12 Asg. ĂŠlfĂŸonan: 82/20; 105/21f; 106/10; 106/13; SOLANUM DULCAMARA L., BITTERSĂSS, ne. DOGWOOD, SWEET BITTER [SIC]. Diese Deutung wird durch die Etymologie des Pfln. nahegelegt. Die von C.(III, 311) und BT (s.v.)1) angegebene Bed. Circaea Lutetiana L. ist durch die Bed. des Grundworts -ĂŸone (=âRankeâ) auszuschlieĂen, wie die Betrachtung von C[ockayne]. lutetiana zeigt (vgl. Hegi, V,877). Zudem steht C. lutetiana auĂerhalb der germanischen Tradition, und dessen Namen wie Hexenkraut, ne. enchanterâs nightshade sind wohl durch den lat. Namen entstanden. ETYM.: P. I, 30: âalbho- âweiĂâ---lat. albus âweiĂââŠahd albiz, elbiz, âŠ[etc.] (urspr. wohl [10] âweiĂliche Nebelgestaltenâ â. Zahlreiche ae. Krankheitsnamen stehen mit den Elfen in Zusammenhang⊠-ĂŸone stellt P. (I,1065f) zur Wz. idg. +ten- âdehnen, ziehen,
spannenâ; vgl. lat. tendĂł[macr], -ere âspannen, ausdehnenâ, got.
uf-ĂŸanjan âsich ausdehnen, sich ausstreckenâ, ae. ĂŸenian, ĂŸennan
âstrecken, spannenâ, ahd., mhd. donĂȘn âsich ausdehnenâ, mhd.
done, don âSpannungâ, ahd. dona, as. thona âZweig, Rankeâ. [cf.
Kluge, F., Etymologisches Wörterbuch des deutschen Sprache, s.v. dohne]
Ae. ĂŠlfĂŸone heiĂt also âAlbrankeâ und ist damit gleichbedeutend
mit nhd. Alfranken, Alpranken, nl. alfranken, die alle S. dulcamara
bezeichnen. Das Bestimmungswort ĂŠlf- bezieht sich auf die Verwendung
gegen elfische Krankheiten. Vgl. Tschirch (I,455): âSolche QualmkrĂ€uter,
welche vor allem die elbischen, stechenden und schmerzbereitenden DĂ€monen
vertreiben sollten, warenâŠCannabisâŠBilsenkraut Goes for Solanum Dulcamara then. DolhrĂșne[macr] 48; goes for Parietaria Officinalis/Pellitory of the Wall; etym âWörtl. âWundhexeâ â (48). None in vol 2 (other medical texts) or 3 (glosses). Lists Solanum
Dulcamara nowhere else in his indices of Latin plant names in the vols
(i, 159â62; ii, 152â55; iii, 326â28). ii 125â26: WĂDEBERGE: f. n-St. HA CXL: Asg. ĂŸe me elleborum album 7 oĂŸrum naman tunsincg wyrt nemneĂŸ 7 eac sume men wedeberge hataĂŸ: 258/23; VERATRUM ALBUM L. (s. tunsincgwyrt) Der Pfln. wĂ©deberge kann sonst wohl auch andere Giftplanzen wie Helleborus niger L. oder Daphne Mezereum L. bezeichnen. Vgl. Lb. s.v. ceasterĂŠsc, DP 148 (Elleborus vedeberige uel thung), Laud 777 (Helliborum .i. yediberige) und Erhardt-Seebold, S.169. [126] ETYM.: Vgl. Erhardt-Seebold (S.169; mit Bezug auf die Pfl. Daphne
Mezereum): âThe term wĂ©deberge (=madberry), in its first part, undoubtedly
refers to mental disorders which had been associated with the name hellebore
since antiquity, while the second part clearly points to a berry-bearing
plant.â (125â26). iii 250: WĂDEBERGE (poedibergĂŠ, vedeberige, ~, woedeberge, woidiberge, yediberige) ELEBORUS ĂŸung, woedeberge: Cp 755(E 120); ELIFORUS ~ [ve]l ceasterĂŠsc: ClSt E St 243(WW 379,20); D 11, f.5v,col.1; ELLEBORUS poedibergĂŠ: Erf 388; vedeberige UEL thung: Dur 148; ~: D 11,f.4v,col.1; ~, ĂŸung: ClSt E 25(WW 391,40); HELLEBORUS woidiberge: Cp 1039(h 86); HELLIBORUM yediberige: Laud 777; Bed.: VERATRUM ALBUM L. (s. tunsingwyrt) Cf. BW 2,s.v.~. Bierbaumer, Peter, âResearch into Old English Glosses: A Critical
Surveyâ, in Problems of Old English Lexicography, ed. by Alfred Bammesberger,
EichstÀtter BeitrÀge, 15 (Regensburg, 1985), pp. 65-77. Not very useful,
mainly moaning. Biggam, C. P., âSociolinguistic Aspects of OE Colour Lexemesâ,
Anglo-Saxon England, 24 (1995), 51â65. Nothing really profound for
me, just citeworthy re socioling. and lexicon Biggam, C. P., Blue in Old English, Costerus New Series, 110 (Amsterdam,
1997). *Biggam, C. P., Grey in Old English: An Interdisciplinary Semantic
Study (London, 1998). Biggs, Frederick M., âBeowulf and some Fictions of the Geatish
Successionâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 32 (2003), 55â77. Beowulf is fictional
and the audience kind of knows it, so itâs not exactly his fault the
Scylding dynasty burns itself out. But within the poem he kind of is
and is not responsible. Lack of a son key, but poem not detailed enough
for us to say whether itâs his fault (deliberate ambiguity I think
Biggs implies). Ambiguous about who turned the slave away leading to
theft of cup. Good reasons to think itâs not Beowulf, but B argues
that âAlthough he never provides irrefutable evidence, he encourages
the audience to consider the possibility that Beowulf is the lord who
drove the thief from his court in the first place, thus implicating
him in the start of the events that leaad to his deathâ (61â, at
62). On the whole the thief stuff seems rather unconvincing though. Biggam, C. P., âUaldenegi and the Concept of Strange Eyesâ, in
Lexis and Texts in Early English: Studies Presented to Jane Roberts,
ed. by Christian Kay and Louise M. Sylvester, Costerus New Series, 133
(Amsterdam, 2001), pp. 31â43. *Peter Biller and Joseph Ziegler (eds), Religion and Medicine in the Middle Ages, Woodbridge: York Medieval Press, 2001. Pp. xvi 253. ÂŁ50.00. ISBN 1-903153-07-7. Possibly useful re morality and health markku jari project. That said, Faith Wallis Review: Religion and Medicine in the Middle Ages Soc Hist Med, Apr 2003; 16: 135 - 137 says that there's hardly any early medieval stuff, so part of the point may be that it's evidence for how little work's been done here ('Its lacunae, particularly âmonastic medicineâ, also proclaim how far we still have to go', 137). **Billington, Sandra and Miranda Green (eds), The Concept of the
Goddess (London, 1996). Binchy, D. A., âSick-Maintenance in Irish Lawâ, Ăriu, 12 (1938),
78â134. Passage re Othrus, MS information dead confusing, but transcript
seems to be from National Library of Ireland, Phillipps No. 1097, not
sure of folio no. Ni dingabur re ndae nomaide1 nach inga[i]2 no nach
inuithir3 do nach findtar4 a beo nach [a] marb; ar as muga ma folo neach
tro[i]g di araile (82). Where superscript nos are refs to glosses. Gloss
2 is â.i. doberar ar inn gai nach uais fo chetoirâ; Gloss 3: â.i.
nach inti(?) ⊠uais (?) a ninde uithir co clochaib no co slibraibâ
(82). His transs. are: âNot removed before the ninth day1 is any person
transfixed by a spear2 or any invalid3 of whom it is not known4 whether
he will live or die. For it is wasted [labour] if any one maintain a
doomed person for another.5â; 2: âwho is brought on the end of a
noble spear immediatelyâ (with some note about nachâtoo many of
them apparently, but I donât quite see how his note fits the text);
3: ânor he ⊠in the depth of sickness with stones or sticksâ (82). Birch, Walter de Gray (ed.), Cartularium Saxonicum: A Collection
of Charters Relating to Anglo-Saxon History, 3 vols (London: Whiting;
Clark, 1885â93) Birch, Walter de Gray, Index Saxonicus: An Index to All the Names
in âCartularium Saxonicum: A Collection of Charters Relating to Anglo-Saxon
Historyâ (London: Phillimore, 1899) Birhan, H., âPopular and Elite Culture Interlacing in the Middle
Agesâ, History of European Ideas, 10 (1989), 1â11. Despite promising
title didnât seem to have much to offer. Not really citeworthy. Birnesser, Heinz, Peter Klein and Michael Weiser, âTreating Osteoarthritis
of the Knee: A Modern Homeopathic Medication Works as well as COX 2
Inhibitorsâ, Der Allgemeinarzt, 25 (2003), 261â64; accessed from
<http://heel.ca/pdf/studies Bischoff, Bernhard, Mildred Budny, Geoffrey Harlow, M. B. Parkes
and J. D. Pheifer (eds), The Ăpinal, Erfurt, Werden, and Corpus Glossaries:
Ăpinal BibliothĂšque Municipale 72 (2), Erfurt Wissenschaftliche Bibliothek
Amplonianus 2o 42, DĂŒsseldorf UniversitĂ€tsbibliothek Fragm. K 19:
Z 9/1, Munich Bayerische Staatsbibliothek Cgm. 187 III (e.4), Cambridge
Corpus Christi College 144, Early English Manuscripts in Facsimile,
22 (Copenhagen, 1988). Bischoff, Bernhard and M. B. Parkes, âPalaeographical Commentaryâ,
in Bischoff-Budny-Harlow-Parkes Bischoff, Bernhard and Michael Lapidge, Biblical Commentaries from
the Canterbury School of Theodore and Hadrian, Cambridge Studies in
Anglo-Saxon England, 10 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994) Biskupa sögur, 2 vols (Copenhagen, 1858â78). No ed.given. Find
out from elsewhere? *Bitel, Lisa M., Land of Women: Tales of Sex and Gender from Early
Ireland (Ithaca and London, 1996) [soc H95.I65 BIT] Bjarni Aðalbjarnarson (ed.), Snorri Sturluson: Heimskringla, 3 vols,
Ăslenzk fornrit, 26â28 (ReyjkavĂk: 1941â51). *Bjarni Guðnason, âThe Icelandic Sources of Saxo Grammaticusâ,
in Saxo Grammaticus: A Medieval Author between Norse and Latin Culture,
ed. by Karsten Friis-Jensen (Copenhagen, 1981), pp. 79â93. Bjarni Guðnason (ed.), Danakonunga sá»gur: Skjá»ldunga saga, KnĂœtlinga
saga, Ăgrip af sá»gu Danakonunga, Ăslenzk fornrit, 35 (ReykjavĂk:
Hið Ăslenzka fornritafĂ©lag, 1982). *Bjork, R. E. and A. Obermeier, âDate, Provenance, Author, Audiencesâ,
in A Beowulf Handbook, ed. by R. E. Bjork and J. D. Niles (Lincoln:
XXXX, 1997), pp. 13â34 Björkman, E., 'Die Pflanzennamen der althochdeutschen Glossen', Zeitschrift fĂŒr deutsche Wortforschung 2 (1901), 202-33; 3 (1902), 263-307; 6 (1904-5), 174-98 metsatalo.XXXXX ii 263: âalada âelleborus genus herbe que francice alada diciturâ, alada âelleborusâ Aldhelmi ĂŠnigmata 260, 20: ... (= II 1028, 1043)â ii 268: âgermarrun vel hemerun âelleborosâ II 68836, g,emer âelleborumâ III 5012, germĂąra âelleboron, ueratrum, hemeraâ III 29915, germaren âelleborumâ III 51950, germerra âelleborosâ IV 34967. Die botanische Bedeutung war wohl hauptsĂ€chlich Veratrum album L., die weiĂe Rieswurzâ with some refs (268). ii 269 hemera entry (photographed), shows hemera as a popular gloss for elleborus and gentiniana, and once for cicutas. ii 274 re ringele has interesting example of intubus misread as incubus; also ii 276 slezo âincubusâ, which as he says ainât no plant-name. ii 276 scer(i)linc and variants as main cicuta gloss ii 279 âwotich âcicutaâ III 31435, wotich âcicuta vel potius herba venerataâ III 32442, wotich âciconiaâ III 48712, wotich âcicutaâ III 57559. Botanische Bedeutung Cicuta virosa L.â ii 290 heiligen cristwrtz âelleborus nigerâ III 556.38; ii 294: âlunchwrz, lunchwurz III 40311 (Gl. Hildegardis) ist mit lungvurtz, lunckwurcz in der Physica der heil. Hildegard identisch und bezeichnet das Lungenkraut, Pulmonia offfcinalis [sic] L. ... Vgl. ae. lungenwyrt. Das Wort ist eine Ăbersetzung von lat. pulmonaria (Sin. Barth).â ii 294 marsithila âelleborusâ II 703.33. âIch vermute, daĂ die Glosse aus marthistil verderbt istâ. ii 296 nieswrz lots of elleborus glosses: photographed ii 298 sitteruvrz a popular one for elleborus too: photographed ii 303 âwiznizworz âellebora albaâ III 5411. 307: âZu S. 231: widsewispele âcicutaâ III 35843, wodevvspele
âde cicuteâ III 59327, wedewesle âcicuteâ III 59631: ae. wĆdewistle
Hoops, Altengl. Pflanzennamen S 50f. BjoÌrner, Erik Julius, Nordiska kaÌmpa dater: I en sagoflock samlade om forna kongar och hjaÌltar. Volumen historicum, continens variorum in orbe hyperboreo antiquo regum, heroum et pugilum res praeclare et mirabiliter gestas. Accessit praeter conspectum genealogicum Suethicorum regum et reginarum accuratissimum etiam praefatio &c. (Stockholm: Typis Joh. L. Horrn, 1737).
Location: UL: Order in Rare Books Room (Not borrowable)
Classmark: S752.a.73.1
Den StormĂ€gtigste Förste och Herre, FRIDRIK Den Första, Sweriges Götes och WĂ€ndes Konung &c. &c. &c. Regerande Landt-Grefwe til HXXXXXessen, Förste til hirchfeldt / Grefwe til CXXXXXaĂen-Ellnbogen, Diets, XXXXXiegenhaijn, Ridda och Schaumburg. &c. &c. &c. Min AXXXXXlranĂ„digte Konung. [page break] StormĂ€gtigste, AlranĂ„digste Konung Och HERRE! Just, nĂ€r denna tid, et hisligtXXXXX kĂ€mpagny och wapnabrak, Ă„ de orter förspörjes, dĂ€r wĂ„ra forna Göta-FĂ€der, med stĂ„llta GrĂŠker och Romare, haft deras mĂ€sta tummelplaĂ, dĂ„ frambringer och et fĂ€rdeles öde, utur Ă„lderdomens tjocka mörker, för Eders Kongl. Way:tXXXXX. en tĂ€mmelig Flock af dylika Götar och RordlĂ€ndningar, alla hĂ€rli goda Kongar, HjĂ€ltar och DandemĂ€nn. Hwilka hema, i unga Ă„hren, med idrottar eller Ridderliga öfningar upfödde, bland likar och fosterbröder upmuntrade, sedermera med hurtigt mannamod och drĂ„pliga krafter, endels, bĂ„de i det willa brusande haf, medelswiking eller siöhernard, som och i utlĂ€ndiska marker och fĂ€llt, för Borgar och [next page] FĂ€sten i Asa och MoraXXXXX land eller BlĂ„landm , i GrĂŠka och Roma land, i Tysk- och Walland, under dundrande hĂ€raljud och ludragĂ„ng, hafwa framfört sina segrande Wapen, stĂ„tliga Baner, bitande SwĂ€rd, Fasta Skjöldar, glĂ€ntsande HjĂ€lmer, starka HarnĂ„sk, spitsiga GlĂ€fwar och Pilar, samt knallande Walslungor. DĂ„ dem wĂ€l ofta mött mĂ„nga Digra Busar, BlĂ„mĂ€nn, Gettar, Troll, Drakar och Berserkar, det Ă€r, resliga, bistra, raswilla, lustspringande och blodgiriga KĂ€mpar, ja, ibland, Dwergar och Hamlöpare, eller kĂ„nstiga, snĂ€lla och wiga smĂ„mĂ€nn, jĂ€mte annat bĂ„de fasligt och puĂlu-stigt folkslag; Doch har wĂ„ra modiga hjĂ€ltars Ă€dle, dygd och manndom, sĂ„ mycket utrĂ€ttat, at de, sĂ„som ouwikeliga BanemĂ€nn, hafwa dem alla, hĂ€rt och twĂ€rt nedersablat, til wallen lagt, i grund fördĂ€rfwat och til Oden hĂ€nskickat. Endels hafwa de och, efter slik utstĂ„nden örlog och mannarön, satt sig i stillhet och frid som lambet blid, skipat lag och rĂ€ttwisa, ridit sin Ăreksgata, syĂlat om sina Riken, Fylken, Hundari och HĂ€rader, genom Jarlar, Hersar och LagmĂ€nn, Allmogen wĂ€rnat, landtwĂ€rnsmĂ€nn tilsatt, hĂ€llit Möten wid landamĂ€ren, hembudit hwarannan til Julahelgd och GĂ€stabod, dĂ€r giljat och giftats, swĂ€ngt sina dyrbara Bragar-BĂ€gare och HjĂ€lta-Horn, druckit mjöd och must, Thors, Odens, Frejrs, Göijas och Friggas minnen, giort dyra löften til nya och gagneliga Daters utrĂ€ttande, i synnerhet Ă„ wiĂa tider, höst, winter och wĂ„hr, Ă„ Disa och Alsherjar Thingen, offrat til berörde sina Gudar och Gudinnor, för lyckligit Ă„hr, Frid och Krig, Ă€gta kĂ€rlek och samhĂ€lle, sungit och förtĂ€lt, med ordfagra kwĂ€den, sina tappra bedrifter, til hwilkas förhĂ€rligande och anteknande Ă„ Kaflar och Balkar, de hafwa förskaffat skickeliga Hird eller HĂ„fmĂ€nn och Skallder, lĂ„tande jĂ€mwĂ€l, dĂ„ de af lefnad wordo mĂ€tta,samt til Walhall eller dödsens rike, bland Einherjare, fara skulle, i Böta eller Runestenar, rista sina kunbara namn, deĂlikes undersama Stenstodar upresa, jĂ€mte ansenliga kumbla och jorda Högar, sig til Ă€wĂ€rdelig Ă„minnelse hos den wettgiriga efterwerlden. [page break, para break] Emedan nu, Eders Kongl. Way:t/XXXXX til alla redeliga och behjĂ€rtade undersĂ„tares stora nögje, SjĂ€lf Ă€r en FrĂ€gdefull Göta och Swea Ătt-Herre, har Ă€fwen allramĂ€st af de nu regerande kongar, med allmĂ€nt lĂ„ford, biwistat Bardaga, eller Slag och Stridebuller, warit tilstĂ€des, dĂ„ Borgar och fasta StĂ€der nederbrutos, Förstar och tappra MĂ€nn nederflogos,kunnade altsĂ„ wifeliga urdela, med hwad wett och klokhet alt slikt, som nu om wĂ„ra Rordiska HjĂ€ltar Ă€r berĂ€ttat, och widare i nĂ€rmwarande Sagoflock warder anfört, mĂ„ wara idkat och utrĂ€ttat, lĂ€rande jĂ€mwĂ€l, af egen trĂ€ffelig erfarenhet, bĂ€st kunna betyga, at et owist krig, dĂ€r hiĂ€ltar stupa, fast sĂ€mre Ă€r Ă€n magerfrid. [para break] Dy torde ocksĂ„ Eders Kongl. Way:t/XXXXX ej allenast wid nĂ„gon ledig stund, ju efter gamal konga sed, lĂ„ta detta wĂ€rk Sig förelĂ€sas, af nĂ„gon hugprydig HĂ„fmann eller och SmĂ„swenn, utan jĂ€mwĂ€l mig, med Sin allranĂ„digaste ĂgishjĂ€lm, eller Skydds och HiĂ€lpe-Hand, i sinom tid befrĂ€mja och hugna. DĂ€rföre jag, glader i gott hopp, til min dödstund lefwer, StormĂ€gtigste, AlranĂ„digste Konung, Eders Kongl. Way:tsXXXXX UnderdĂ„nigaste och troplicktigaste tjenare ERIK JULIUS BJĂRNER. [page break followed by another page with big letters, this time in Latin, saying hello to Björner's various academic mates, it seems, followed by:] CELSISSIMI HEROES, Perillustres MĂCENATES & Generosi PATRONI. // Opus hocce deproperatum, me hercle, magis quam elaboratum, VOBIS, HEROES, MĂCENATES ac PATRONI, jam tandem dedicatum eo consecratumque; ob beneficia quidem haud vulgaria, sed quĂŠ prĂŠstita, IPSI, pro Heroica, PrĂŠlustri ac Generosa VESTRA consuetudine, censebitis, scio, fere nullas quĂŠ etiam posthac prĂŠstituri sitis, si ego, spe, futuri sitibunda, blandulaque conjectura adsequi conarer, nĂŠ, vel sic, imprudentis charactere hominis notarer certissime. Et de hoc, profecto, nisi meopte genio, saltem SenecĂŠ effato, monitus, pulcre utpote dicentis: omnia, mihi crede, etiam felicibus, dubia sunt, nihil sibi quisquam de futuro debet promittere. Si placuerit labor meus, erit, de quo mihi gratuler modeste; sin displicuerit, mandato tamen munere me functum, adferet quivis scenĂŠ peractĂŠ peritior, idemque iudex candidior. Rara quidem, observante etiam olim Tacito, temporum est felicitas, ubi quĂŠ sentias, dicere licet, VOBISCUM tamen, HEROES, MĂCENATES & PATRONI, prorus auspicato, Svethicis CamĆnis Saturnia reditura tempora, haud vani augurantur, quotquot VESTRAM Sapientiam Prudentiam rerumque agendarum Peritiam venerabundi adgnovere. AstXXXXX, nec has DIVINAS VIRTUTES, unquam sentietis pollutas, si etiam meis Votis, illa subvenire volueritis Ope, quam tot alii diversi studii & fortis Candidati, solicite ambiverunt, lĂŠti acceperunt. Ut hoc faciatis, VOS per Apollinis & Musarum sacratissima jura obtestor atque rogo, nullo non tempore permansurus // CELSISSIMORUM, // PERILLUSTRIUM // ac // GENEROSORUM // NOMINUM VESTRORUM // devotissimus // ac // humilimus cultor // ERICUS JULIUS BIOERNER. [page break] SĂ€gne KwĂ€de // Ăfwar // Detta WĂ€rks // LĂ€rda Utgifware. // NĂ€r egen kiĂ€rlek sĂ€ts Ă„ sido och til rygga.
Och hwar och en wil sig wid sanning endast trygga,
Samt utan wÀlde lÀs, hwad hÀlst för Sak thet rör,
Och icke pennan straxt til wedersagu för.
TÄ fÄr man ofta lius, ther eljest mörkt kan wara,
Och genom id och flit, alt mer och mer erfara,
En sanning, som sig dölgt i mÄnga hundra Ähr,
Och komer swÄra fram, ther afund gÀrna rÄr,
Af wÄra grannar then, som lÀrder rÀtt wil heta,
Och i the gamla Skrin och Skrifter noga leta,
Han lÀr sÄ rÀkna, och med öpna ögon se
Sin Ătt frĂ„n Attland ut, och icke ther Ă„t le.
Ru jakar Egenolf / med mÄnga skiÀl tilhopa,
At Manheim wÄrt Àr Àlst bland lÀnder i Europa, [Europa in roman letters rather than gothic]
WÄr Biörner lÀr ochsÄ wÀl lÄta sama lÄt,
Med sÄdan grund, som mann fÄ lÀtt, ej komer Ät.
Hwad andra lÀrda förr, af gamla Sagor wisat,
SÄs nu förbi, i ty nog frÀmande dem prisat,
För thet the letat up, hwad lÀnge legat dolt,
Och ej för kÀrna skal, och annan flÀder sÄlt.
DÄ Eder önskar jag, wÄr Biörner lÀrd och kiÀcker,
Then SÀgnen sannas, som om Biörnen hÀr Àn rÀcker,
Ser manna wett / ther til tolf manna styrka stor,
Han nog urafel fÄtt, och blixtar som en Thor.
Upsala den 12. Aug. 1736. I haft, doch wÀlment, yrkt af
Olof Rudbeck/ Sonen.
Kongl. Archiater [Archiater in roman] och professor [professor in roman].
____________________________________________________________________________
[there follows two colums, Latin on the left and Swedish on the right, giving the contents list to the end of te page.]
*Black, W. G., Folk Medicine, Folk-Lore Society Publications, 12 (London, 1883), p. 60 note cited by Heather 1977 as source for Grendon 1909, 215, re spiderwiht reading. *Blackburn, F. A., âThe Husbandâs Message and the Accompanying Riddles of the Exeter Bookâ, Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 3 (1901), 1-13. 1st suggestion of rune-stave idea acc. to Ericksen 1998 31). Blain, Jenny, âSpeaking Shamanistically: Seidr, Academia and Rationalityâ,
DISKUS (2000), <http://www.uni-marburg.de Blain, Jenny, Nine Worlds of Seidr-Magic: Ecstasy and Neo-Shamanism in North European Paganism (London: Routledge, 2002) Blair, John, âAnglo-Saxon Pagan Shrines and their Prototypesâ,
Anglo-Saxon Studies in Archaeology and History, 8 (1995), 1â28 [ARCH
qD650 ANG; L474.b.85 West Room/ASNaC]. Little continental evidence for
AS ritual structures, but pre-A-S British ev. Bede and Aldhelm clearly
think that there were such structures. âAt the heart of the matter
is the assimilation into English ritual practice of enclosures in the
form of regular squares, often containing standing posts on which special
graves were aligned. A high proportion of these enclosures were superimposed
on prehistoric monuments, normally Bronze Age barrows. This association
of square enclosures, orthostats and re-adopted sites is a signpost
to the sources of the few Anglo-Saxon cult structures known to archaeologyâ
(3). *Blair, J., âChurches in the Early English Landscape: Social and
Cultural Contextsâ, in Church Archaeology: Research Directions for
the Future, ed. by J. Blair and C. Pyrah, CBA Research Reports, 104
(York, 1996), XXXX Blair, John, The Church in Anglo-Saxon Society (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005). 51â57 on âThe monumentalization of cultâ. Argues (contra Carver) that rise in Xian-style pagan monuments reflects borrowing of ideas rather than conscious competition. 53â54 sees barrow burials in Europe and England c. 600 as new (not chance survivals of old custom) and dramatic articulation of new ideologies (not nec. consciously pagan). Lots of refs to all sides of story. Some interesting stuff on alignments of A-S structures at Yeavering with prehistoric monuments, first on one axis (with theatre thing) and then on another (with halls). 54â56. âYeavering offers perspectives on the interaction between ritual activity and high-status secular residence at the point of conversion. It looks as though the initial Anglian structures were an arena for religious cult and meetings, but not necessarily for the kind of hall-centred royal life that we know from âBeowulfâ .â (56). âIt seems possible that an emergent kingship, anxious to establish formal centres, commandeered a [57] place of long-standing popular assembly, and that Paulinus carried out his mass-baptisms at Yeavering less because it was a royal residence than because the inhabitants of a wide region met thereâ (56â57). Draws parallel with Things 57. Burialsâemphs that the expectation of âXian burialâ gows much slower than Xianity, even as a concept. âThere is evidence from Ireland and (less clearly) Wales that ancestral graves were thought not merely to mark the boundaries of family lands, but to defend them against encroachers. From seventh-century England a group of rich barrow-burials, set high on frontier [60] zones and sometimes with their feet pointing towards open country, so strongly recall Irish and British descriptions of âsentinelâ burials that it seems reasonable to interpret them in the same lightâ (59â60, with refs). Causes problems for new kinds of burials of courseâwhich are growing in Frankia and Celtic-speaking regions. Blair concludes âThese trends, which had barely penetrated the Christian English by c. 650, would affect them deeply over the next century. Like their neighbours, the English needed churches around which they could reorientate family identities, shielding them from King Radbodâs worrying sense of faithlessness to a larger kindred. As English kings and nobles began their great phase of monastic endowment they created family shrines of a new kind, as expressive of worldly status as their parentsâ barrows and and [sic] much more able to preserve it in permanent, coherent memory. In such contexts, the new ways of burial would run no risk of disempowermentâ (65). NB duplicated and p. 65! âThe really momentous change was not the triumph of âRomanâ over âIrishâ, but the formation of an indigenous ecclesiastical establishment which could stand on its own feetâ (79) re c. 650â850. Kind of goes for the whole book. Nbs that althugh charters imply that land-grants are pious donations,money may have changed hands; âMoney may often have changed hands, even though it is only occasionally mentioned. Unlike either charters or conventional hagiography, the foundation-narratives for Minster-in-Sheppey and Minster-in-Thanet celebrate the building of these housesâ fortunes through the wily manoeuvrings [88] of their first abbesses. To conceive a monster as simply âfoundedâ by a king may often do less than justice to his monastic relativesâ (87â88). 100ff. re Bedeâs letter to Ecgberht. But argues that the minsters he disses arenât wholly fraudulent: rather, they have all the trappings but without the intellectual credibility. Rather like the way a late C19 Oxford college would seem to a reformer; âThe colleges of Georgian Oxford mirrored the social outlook, lifestyle, and material culture of the gentry ... yet in the layout of their buildings, the make-up of their communities, the rhythms of their daily life, and their economic basis they were clearly and substantially different from country housesâ (107). âThe change being advocated is not that small minsters should be suppressed to make way for episcopal governance; rather, it is that the satellites of a large minster on the one hand, and a collection of autonomous and useless little minsters on the other, should be pulled together into a rational infrasctuc[111]ture for the bishopâs pastoral dutiesâ (110â11). Close re-readings of sources. Bede wants reform and not (as it seems he gets) dismantling. Leads on to the 747 Clofesho decrees which must either be based on Bedeâs letter or reflect the same zeitgeist. Nice comparison with Frankish stuff of Bonifaceâs which makes Clofesho look milder: âIt is hard not to be left with a sense that the English canons are confronting more intractable conditions, with embedded rights interposed between minsters and reforming bishopsâ (114â15 at 115). Plays down episcopal power c. 650â850, esp. 114â 268â70 re âhierarchical centres (i): princely citadelsâ and talks a bit about British influence on Bamburgh. 79 re dearth of established royal sites in early period. 386 n.70 â Offchurch (Warw.), first mentioned as Offechirch in 1139, occurs in the hagiography of St Freomund and may have had some folkloric association with King Offa. Pucklechurch (Glos.), Puclancyrcan (ASC âDâ s.a. 946 (p. 112); S 553), is problematic because of the implausibility of the persoanl name *Pucela, âlittle goblinâ, or alternatively of the description âlittle goblinâs churchâ. In this case and perhaps others, it is conceivable that -ciric was used figuratively or ironically to describe some inappropriate or natural feature. Cf. the âGreen Chapelâ...â with refs for the Green Chapel bit (386 n. 70). 473 n. 206 âA properly contextualized study of Anglo-Saxon sacred sites would need to take account of multiple regional variations in patterns of settlement, land-use, and territoriality: the present survey cannot be other than superficial. The sensitive account of sacred sites in the Mediterranean and its micro-regions in Horden and Purcell 2000: 403â60 illustrates which might be possible for Englandâ (473 n. 206). âĂlfric deplored divinations and lot-casting ... superstitions connected with propitious and unpropitious days, necromancy and clairvoyance, certain sorts of amulets, and in general the activities of âwitchesâand âwizardsâ. To create an all-embracing Christian society it was essential to remove competitors, such as the wise-men and wise-women who may still have been popular in the countrysideâ (483 citing Meaney 1984 âĂlfric and idolatryâ, for the latter point at 135). NOTES to MS: NB Williams typo p. 51 fn. 193. Ćthelwald of Deira c. 650s typo for Ăthelwald? Inconsistence re italic or roman in c. Explain re Elveshowe. 164 in MS gives etymology of Bampton as â(beÄm tĆ«n, âtĆ«n by the beamâ)â, but beam mis-trans, NB misplaced macron; same page main text has tunas ?for tĆ«nas. Check trans. of Isaiah re Bedeâs commentaryâif dragons trans. dracones then surely âsnakesâ better? 191 charter of 840 Ăthelwulf grants fifteen hides at Halstow â(Halgan stoc, âholy placeâ)â check this, S290. Doesnât cite Niles re ĂŠcerbot textâmight want to. 434: n. 226 has ââ within ââ. Re raven carrying Oswaldâs arm, âNo Anglo-Saxon could have missed this tacit reference to the sacred bird of Woden, lord of the dead, who in Germanic myth had hung on an ash-treeâ (434). The associated Davidson quotation in n. 226 strikes me as fanciful. Whew! 441â42 refers to âBaldâs Leechbookâ, but NB that this is only the first two collections in an MS containing three, and itâs the latter (usually called Leechbook III or somesuch) which contains most of the more juicy material. Baldâs Leechbook itself seems to date from Alfredâs reignâgive refsâeven though MS is mid-C10. Dates Lacnunga to c. 1050, and I think heâs referring to the MS, but I donât think thereâs any basis for thisârefer to Doane 1994. Mentions âthe chanting of incantations against elf-shotâ so perhaps worth emphasising the problems here. âIn the north and midlands, some assimilation of British ecclesiastical sites by the English clearly did occur during the seventh century. The fact that Carlisle, Abercorn and Melrose all kept their British name ⊠suggests some element of continuity in the process of transfer [Thomas 1981, 291â94; Stancliffe 1995a, 78â79], but the form that this took, on the spectrum between gentle acculturation and violent displacement, is unknown. The early eighth-century Northumbrian takeover of Whithorn maintained its site and preserved some of its traditions, but overbuiltat least art of the British monastic complex with a layout and buildings of a purely English kind [Hill 1997, 16â18]âŠâ (24 in the MS). âThere is, as Clare Stancliffe observes, a contrast between the *eclÄs sites between Tweed and Forth, which mostly emerge as the mother churches of big parishes with dependent chapels, and those near Ripon, which tend to be humble churches later: is this because King Oswald and St. Aidan had allowed more continuity of religious personnel and structures, when absorbing British territory in the 630s, than King [25] Ecgfrith and St. Wildfrid would do in the 670s? [Stancliffe 1995a, 78; cf. Barrow 1973, 28â30, 36â39, for the later high status of the more northerly *eclÄs sites, and Smith 1996, 27â31, for an evolutionary view Anglian dominance in southern Scotland] ch. 4 âThe Church in the Landscape, c. 650â850â. âWritten (and clerical) sources stress the monumental and the architectural, emblematic of Roman civilization and orthodoxy; our own intensively built-up environments encourage us to accept that emphasis, and to forget how many Anglo-Saxon communal activities must have taken place in the natural world and the open air. In the vernacular culture of early Christian England, landscape mattered more than architectureâ (160 in MS). I feel he doesnât really live up to this but never mind. âActual cases are hard to identify, but two of the more persuasive may serve to illustrate the possible modes of re-use. At Ripon (Yorks.) [citing HallâWhyman] a prominent natural hillock which could have been mistaken for a barrow, known by 1228 as Elveshowe (i.e. âelfâs barrowâ), was used during the early seventh century for a cemetery. In the 650s King Alchfrith gave the site to the Irish community of Melrose as a monastic dependrncy, but then transferred it to St. Wilfrid, who built his church west of the mound in the 670s. During c.700â850 the hilltop cemetary continued in use for high-status coffined burials, all adult males and presumably members of the religious community. This perpetuation of a pre-monastic and possibly pre-Christian cemetery is remarkable, as is Wilfridâs precise, deliberate alignment of his church on the âelfâs howeâ.â (163 in MS). âBut ecclesiastical scholars took an interest in topographical names for their own sake, bothering to note (rightly) that Selsey minster was built on a âseal islandâ, or (wrongly) that Wimborne meant âwine-springâ from the clarity and flavour of its waterâ [citing HE iv.13; Rudolf,Vita S.Leobae, c. 2 (ed. G Waitz, MGH Scriptores XV.1 (Hannover 1887), p. 123)] (MS 172). âMinster-in-Thanet had a tradition that the late seventh-century Kentish princess Eormengyth, sister of that same âDomne Eafeâ whose pet hind ran to such good effect, chose her own place of burial a mile to the east of Minster. The story is too odd to be a hagiographical invention: it is tempting to [203] conclude that Eormengyth could not quite bring herself to forsake a traditional barrow for her sisterâs churchâ (MS 203â4 with fn. suggesting barrows nearby). Ch. 8, âFrom hyrness to local parish: the formation of parochial
identities, c. 850â1100â, section on âThe landscape of ritual
and cult: continuity and innovationâ, MS pp. 429â47. âIn the Christian
context, a wide range of sites were considred âholyâ because of
what saints did there, whether in life by performing miracles or receiving
divine instructions (such as the many wells which burst forth when they
prayed), or in dying by sanctifying the place with their blood (such
as the lush grass on Oswaldâs death-site, or the hair that grew from
the turf on Wigstanâs)â (433). âSt. Cuthmannâs trail across
west Sussex was marked by the stone near Bosham where he sat as a youth
(known for its healing miracles), the meadow in the Arun valley where
mowers laughed at him (cursed with rain in the mowing season), the spot
where the ropes of his cart broke (Steyning minster), and the hole where
his adversary Fippa was swappowed by the earth (Fippaâs pit)â (MS
438, citing Blair 1997). If following up the sacred landscape stuff
NB refs to HordenâPurcell, Wilson 2000, carmichael et. al. eds, Ashmore
and Knapp. Blair, P. H., 'The Place-Names of Hertfordshire: A Review', Transactions of the St. Albans and Hertfordshire Architectural and Archaeological Society (1937), 222-31. Review of EPNS The Place-Names of Hertforshire: how to cite? Blake, N. F. (ed.), Middle English Religious Prose (London: Arnold,
1972). MS said: â3if eny mon is elue I. nome . oĂŸer . elue I. blowe
; he hit haĂŸ . of ĂŸe angelus . ĂŸt fellen out of heueneâ *Blamires, Alcuin, âThe Wife of Bath and Lollardyâ, Medium Ăvum,
58 (1989), 224-42. Blamires, Alcuin, âChaucer the Reactionary: Ideology and the General Prologue to the Canterbury Talesâ, Review of English Studies, n.s. 51 (2000), 523-39. Seems 2b more detailed version of crisis and dissent bit. abstract: âChaucerâs General Prologue is a more politically charged text than is usually supposed. It formulates post-Revolt ruling ideology through tactical distribution of blame for oppression among scapegoats, away from lordship (Knight) and judiciary (Franklin). It recognizes a source of manorial exploitation primarily at the level of the Reeve, a peasant foreman whose harsh managerial rigour contrasts with the distant benevolence of his own lord. While the anticlerical dimension of the Prologueâs propagandist configuration is well known, readers have missed the full social implication of its uncompromising strategy (here termed âdisplacement of oppressionâ) because of the received myth of a socially unfixed Chaucer whose writing emanates from a classlessness straddling different social strata. Here it is argued that, on the contrary, a clear commitment to aristocratic ideology and disdain for peasant aspiration is visiable in the General Prologue and persists in the tales, including the Summonerâs Tale, as was apparent to a seventeenth-century pamphleteerâ (523). âThe second problem is that, whereas I am talking of the Prologue in some relation (at least) to the 1381 Revolt, other persuasive voices would tend to be sceptical about the very possibility of establishing such a relation ⊠pearsall [1992] puts me in a difficult position by declaring that Chaucer does not make âany significant mention of the Peasantsâ Revolt, despite the sometimes desperate efforts of his admirers to extract something appropriate from himâ âŠ[without refs] I suspect that I am now about to join the Desperate School of Chaucer Criticismâ (526). That said, NB âO do not claim that Chaucer is âreallyâ talking about post-Revolt social politics when creating the Reeve: rather, that the creation of the Reeve is informed by the social politics of a Chaucer whose political instincts were closer to Gowerâs than is customarily supposedâ (534). Divorcing of the Knight from England and thus any assoc with oppression or liveried retainers 527-8; Franklin cops âthe judicial, parliamentary, and fiscal functions from which he has carefully divorced the Knightâ (528)âneat tie-in with folks who actually did cop flak from peasants in 1381 (528-9). But no victim ever portrayed âOn the basis of this sort of silence Mann coined a memorable slogan for one recurrent tactic in the Prologue when she wrote of the âomission of the victimâ. If the text does not supply victims to witness graft or extortion in the Franklin, then we shall find confident assessment of such an office-holder difficult to achieve. However, I want to move towards a somewhat different interrogation by deploying another slogan, one that I shall designate âdisplacement of oppressionâ. Doesnât the Franklinâs description consolidate what the Prologue has begun in its construction of knighthood, namely a conspiracy of silence about the administrative machinery whereby exploitation of the peasantry could occur? The exploitative practises of religious functionaries on the pilgrimage are systematically exposed. But Chaucer allows no explicit responsibility for exploitation to touch those who control and administer secular government, at least, not at the level of gentil society. He displaces it below that stratumâ (529). Goes to plowman, reeve, miller. Mainly reeeve. Plowman completely squeaky clean, to the extent that his virtues are in negative a checklist of all the complaints which the aristocracy might level at his class (530). Discusses function etc of reeves. NB bottom-up election (in theory). Supposed to change annually but an efficient one might be kept on for ages by top-down rule (531-2). So a nasty one will be despised by everyone, even if maintained as useful by aristocracy (cf. 531-4). âThe description therefore signals that it is not lords (whom in effect the [533] 1381 rebels had wished to abolish) but estate supervisors of the peasantsâ own stock who treat peasants with merciless rigour. Meanwhile, and crucially, the lord of this particular manor is represented as being at a comfortable, mitigating distance from the Reeveâs exploitationsâ (533). No trouble laying into âreligious practitionersâ thoâ (533).
Thus reads that âthe impulse of the Reeveâs Prologue and Tale is
to sustain the profile of the Reeve as a scapegoat; unattractively tendentious
in his preacherly pretensions, as well as censoriously pseudo-gentil
in his pretense of not wanting to be brought down to the Millerâs
level of bawdy discourse. Above all, the Reeve is seen to continue to
manifest tyrannical tendencies when he produces a fabliau promoting
a rigorous âeye for an eyeâ mentalityâ (535). Asks why Chaucer
has been seen as demotcratic niceuy type (536)âtwofold explanation.
âFirst, there is the misapprehension that Chaucer himself epitomizes
the rise of an underdog ⊠his social instincts consequently driven
by classlessness and mobility. It is curious how adherence to this construction
of the poet persists even in those who most objectively repudiate it
âŠ[537] This was a construction of Chaucerâs identity supremely adapted
to a critical agenda obsessed with detachment and irony. It is still
alive and kickingâ (536-7). 2nd reason is âbecause there is something
quite disconcerting to our sensibilities about a standpoint which is
at once morally egalitarian, and politically hierarchicalâ (537).
But NB âNevertheless, both here and in the General Prologue there
is a sneaking admiration forâcertainly some understanding ofâthe
drive for improved status which some people display. It has led many
readers into over-interpreting the significance of which is felt to
be the Prologueâs engagement with the vigour of societyâs âmiddle
classesâ or âmiddle strataâ â (538)âbut Blamires draws distinction
between individual achievement, which is fine and allows aristos to
âcongratulate itself on its toleranceâ (538) and collective social
movements, which Chaucerâs obviously not keen on. Blamires, Alcuin, âCrisis and Dissentâ, in A Companion to Chaucer, ed. by Peter Brown (Oxford, 2000), pp. 133-48. Chaucer obviously didnât want to write about the cirses we want him to in the way we want him to! Long-standing view of him as socially mobile, âHence, while critics have very often sensed that the alignment of Chaucerâs poetry in response to social crisis is no less hard-line than Gowerâs, they struggle with the tone of his one outright reference to the RevoltâŠâ (136). âYet Chaucer generally draws much more attention to extortionate âtax-farmingâ practices in the ecclesiastical sector. The kind of jibes frequently made in Chaucerâs writings about religious operatiorsâfor instance, in the Friarâs Tale that the summonerâs âmaister hadde but half his dueteeâ (1352)âbeg to balanced, at this period, by more examples from the realms of secular taxation ⊠Reading his poetry, you would think that there was a perceived national crisis of corrupt exaction only in the church, not in the stateâ (137). Wasnât C a secular tax-collector? anyway, the vs. Church thing fits well. Interesting re Chaucer and Wycliffite approachesânot completely
banned at his time, and some sympathy perhaps to be detected (Chaucer
as translator and all). 141-143 re âThe Laity and Dissentâ, with
WBP 14-29: âAlmost as soon as she begins to speak, Alisoun of Bath
is arguing defensively about the doctrinal acceptability of having been
married five timesâ (141); âIt makes all the difference in the world
that a woman not a man, and worse still a laywoman not a nun, is posing
questions about the Gospels and advancing personal readings ⊠The
official line on laywomen debarred them from theological study; and
for them to preach was beyond the paleâ (141). âJohn, the carpenter
in the Millerâs Tale, who takes pride in knowing nothing but the Creed,
typifies the âofficialâ line on simple lay pietyâ (141)âties
in with his credulity? Useful sectionâreturn to it. Blankenhagen, Peter H. von, âEasy Monstersâ, in Monsters and
Demons in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds: Papers Presented in Honour
of Edith Porada, ed. by Ann E. Farkas, Prudence O. Harper and Evelyn
B. Harrison (Mainz on Rhine, 1987), pp. 85â94. Reckons that depictions
of monsters get rarer to the end of the Gk âarchaic eraâ, but centaurs
get more popular (86â87). Some typological similarity with England
from ASE to high medieval? âUp to this time [ânot long after the
Parthenon centaursâ], centaurs were entirely male and one is forced
to conclude that the tribe was prevented from extinction through the
rape of women. Clearly this is what makes them the natural enemies of
manâ (87) cf. elves etc. Basically about how monsters are tamed and
made into smily representations of the natural world before they just
disappear from the data. Hmm. *Blench, Roger, âGeneral Introductionâ, in Archaeology and Language
I: Theoretical and Methodological Orientations, ed. by Roger Blench
and Matthew Spriggs (Routledge: London, 1997), pp. 1â17. Bliss, A. J. (ed.), Sir Orfeo, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 1966). 281 ff. âHe
miÂt se him bisides / (Oft in hot vnder-tides) / Ăe king o fairy wiĂŸ
his rout / Com to hunt him al aboutâ. 47ff. âIn at a roche ĂŸe leuedis
rideĂŸ, / & he after, & nouÂt abideĂŸ. / When he was in ĂŸe
roche y-go . Wele ĂŸre mile, oĂŸer mo, / He com in-to a fair cuntray,
/ As briÂt so sonne on somers day, / SmoĂŸe & plain & al grene
/ â Hille no dale nas ĂŸer non y-seneâ. Castle therein, described.
Reminiscent of heaven in Pearl? 387ff. it becomes clear that folks there
are dead. Disturbing scene. 491ff. âHou her quen was stole owy, /
Ten Âer gon, wiĂŸ fairy, & hou her king en exile Âedeâ. 561ff
â& hadde y-won mi quen o-wy / Out of ĂŸe lond of fairyâ. Bloch, Maurice, âLanguage, Anthropology and Cognitive Scienceâ,
Man, 26 (1991), 183â98. *Bloch, R. Howard, Medieval Misogyny and the Invention of Western
Romantic Love (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). Apparently
dead provocative but also exhaustive; see also Medieval Feminist Newsletter,
6 (Fall 1988) for responses to original article. *Blocker, Monica, âFrauenzauberâZauberfrauenâ, Zeitschrift
fĂŒr schweizerische Kirchengeschichte, 76 (1982), 1â39. [P62.36.c.6
SW4] ***[RQD]Blomfield, Joan, âThe SOurce of the Cleopatra Glossesâ
(Diss. Oxford, 1939). *Bloomfield, Morton W. and Charles W. Dunn, The Role of the Poet
in Early Societies (1989) Inger M. Boberg, Motif-Index of Early Icelandic Literature, Bibliotheca
ArnamagnĂŠana, 27 (Copenhagen, 1966) *Bodden, Mary C., âEvidence for Knowledge of Greek in Anglo-Saxon
Englandâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 17 (1988), 217â46. Boffey, Julia, âFrom Manuscript to Modern Textâ, in A Companion
to Medieval English Literature and Culture c. 1350âc. 1500, ed. by
Peter Brown, Blackwell Companions to Literature and Culture, 42 (Oxford:
Blackwell, 2007), pp. 107â22 *Boivin, Jeanne-Marie, âBisclavret et Muldumarec: la part de lâombre
dans les Laisâ, in Amour et marveille dans les lais de Marie de France,
ed. by Jean Dufournet, Collection Unichamp, 46 (Paris: Champion, 1995),
pp. 145â68. Seems to be re role of male fairy-types. Boklund-Lagopoulou, Karin, âI Have a Yong Susterâ: Popular Song
and the Middle English Lyric (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2002) [E351
BOK] 153â58 brief analysis of encouters in Thomas Rhymer stuff, Wee
Wee Man, Tam Lin and Inter Diabolus et Virgo, emphs place, sex, knowledge
etc. But nothing so striking as to be citeworthy I donât think. *Bollard, J. K., âSovereignty and the Loathly Lady in English,
Welsh and Irishâ, Leeds Studies in English, 17 (1986), 41-59. Bolte, Johannes (ed.), Georg Wickrams Werke, Bibliothek des litterarischen Vereins in Stuttgart, 222â23, 229â33, 236â37, 241, 8 vols (TĂŒbingen: Den litterarischen Verein in Stuttgart, 1901â6). [NW1 701:03.c.2.136] vii 274, book 6 cap. 9 ll. 810ff Disen begunden weynen, klagen Alle goett in denselben tagen Von welden und von hohen bergen, Auch seine brĂŒder, de gezwergen, Die elben und auch die elbinnen, DeĂgleichen all wassergoettinnen. =6.392ff. ed. Miller 1974, i 314 illum ruricolae, silvarum numina, fauni et satyri fratres et tunc quoque carus Olympus et nymphae flerunt, et quisquis montibus illus lanigerosque greges armentaque bucera pavit. âThe country peoples, the sylvan deities, fauns and his brother
satyrs, and Olympus, whom even then he still loved, the nymphs, all
wept for him, and every shepherd who fed his woolly sheep or horned
kine on those mountainsâ (315). Bone, Kerry Phytotherapy for atopic dermatitis - eczema - Phytotherapy Review & Commentary Townsend Letter for Doctors and Patients, May, 2003 by
Kerry Bone â* Long-term treatment with depuratives such as burdock, figwort,
cleavers, yellow dock and sarsaparilla. Solanum dulcamara (bittersweet)
is a depurative herb which also possesses anti-inflammatory properties.
(18) Heartsease (Viola tricolor) is specifically used for infantile
eczema.â âBefore covering the herbal approach to eczema, it is useful to briefly review some of the herbal actions which are particularly relevant for dermatological conditions. Depuratives/Alteratives The main depuratives are Arctium lappa (burdock), Mahonia aquifolium
(Oregon grape), Trifolium pratense (red clover), Galium aparine (cleavers),
Rumex crisp us (yellow dock), Scrophularia nodosa (figwort), Viola tricolor
(heartsease), Smilax species (sarsaparilla), Solanum dulcamara (bittersweet)
and Iris versicolor (blue flag). Bonjour, Adrien, The Digressions in 'Beowulf' (Oxford: Blackwell, 1950) Bonser, W., âMagical Practices against Elvesâ, Folk-lore, 37
(1926), 350â63. Must as 1963 chap 9, says that chap. âIn the 14th
century medical manuscript [!!] there are two recipies which indicate
elfin influence. One is, âFor man or woman that is blisted with wikkede
spiritis to do away the ache and abate the swellyngâ; the other is,
âFor the elf-cakeâ (see supra)â (359). Bonser, Wilfrid, âThe Dissimilarity of Ancient Irish Magic from
that of the Anglo-Saxonsâ, Folk-Lore, 37 (1926), 271â88. [NF2 p464.c.37].
Utterly outdated, revolving around druicical mysteries. âThe Christian
church, however, was far from regarding the power of the druids as unreal.
Similarly Ălfric represents the Emperor Decius,âthough not a believer
in Christianity,âas being much afraid of the drĂœcrĂŠft of St. Lawrence,âthis
word being used to denote the faith of the saint whereby he was able
to endure the sufferings inflicted upon him by the emperor. It is on
their malignant powers, naturally, that stress is mostly laid. An example
of the infliction occurs in the story of the sick-bed of Cuculainn,
where the women from the fairy hills struck him with little rods, which
brought on an illness that nearly killed him. Is it possible that this
should be equated with the Teutonic elf-shot?â (275). Well well wellâjust
luck Iâm sure but fortuitous! *Bonser, Wilfrid, âSurvivals of Paganism in Anglo-Saxon Englandâ,
Transactions of the Birmingham Archaeological Society, 56 (1939), 37â70. Bonser, Wilfrid, The Medical Background of Anglo-Saxon England: A Study in History, Psychology and Folklore, The Wellcome Historical Medical Library, New Series, 3 (London, 1963). âNo learned Anglo-Saxon treatises on medicine have survivedâ (3). As Cameron emphs, thatâs a bit harsh. 55 re gk bâground for elf-shot (DuBois 1999, 102). Useful survey of medical MSS 24-7. Re Lacnunga âthe pagan element is strongest hereâ (25). âIt will be seen that the nature of the âmagicâ employed before and after the conversion to Christianity is to all intents and purposes one and the sameâ. Diseases attributed to âdevilsâ by the Church were still attributed to elves by the common folkâ (117). âAs the Finns turned to Christianity even later than the Scandinavians, it is possible, and profitable, to compare their magical practices with those of their Germanic neighboursâ (118). Chap 9, ie 158-67, re âElves, Elf-Shot and Nightmareâ. âThe passage in the Lacnunga // Were it Ăsir shot, or Elvesâ shot / Or Hagâs shot, now I will help thee. // shows the descending stages of powersâtheĂsir, the smaller but still supernatural elves, and the human witch or hag.â (158). âIn Anglo-Saxon times diseases were erroneously attributed to many causes which were usually of a supernatural nature. The object was malevolence, with or without provocation. The evil was most usually attributed to the elves (who attacked with their arrows) or to âflying venomâ â (158). Hmm, never mind their paucity relative to other thingys⊠And where are these fucking arrows coming from?! Completely unattested in ASE! Useful point that esa ⊠ylfa ⊠hĂŠtessan is descending order of grooviness. An element of counting-out? Shot in *OED as meaning pain etc. on its ownâcheck out (158-9); cf. German use of Geschosz (Storms re ?#2). NB also lacn 12 (xxx), 41 (lxxv), leechb III, xxx re âshooting wenâ. Check. Quotes Scottish shot charm from *Dalyell, Darker Superstitions of Scotland (22-3), from 1607 witchcraft case. âAnglo-Saxon elves are represented as small folk dwelling everywhere, but especially in waste places, where they loved to shoot at the passer-byâ (159). Represented by whom?! Ah, I see, Singer 1919-20, 357. Ho hum. Picturesque but bag oâ shite. âThe âoriginâ of elf-shot occurs in the Loitsu-runoja, the magic songs of the Finns: âIâll get to know thine origin⊠Elf-shots have been shot from the regions of divining [160] men, ⊠from the trampled fields of sorcerers, ⊠from the witchery of long-haired hags, from the distant limits of the north, from the wide country of the Lappâ (159-60, 5a in edition cited). Okay⊠but what does it really say? Silently writes ofscoten as âĂłfscotenâ (160). Interesting, thoâ doesnât match well with gescoten (585 reading). Editorial note somewhere on this idea? âThe following Finnish charm âto still violenceâ is also pertinent: // With what shall I the elfshots squeeze ⊠with what extract the sorcererâs boltsâŠ? Only yesterday I was in the company of smiths,âŠI got made for me little tongs⊠with which Iâll life the sorcererâs bolts⊠More dreadful are a dead manâs hands⊠with them shall I the elfshots squeeze, tightly compress the fairy dartsâ (161, 15b in ed.). 160â61 extends elf-shotinterpretation to stice! ouch!! âĂlfĂŸone was so called since it was employed as a remedy for elf-disease (ĂŠlfĂĄdl)â (163). But: (4) the âwater elf-diseaseâ (A.S. wĂŠter [163] ĂŠlfĂĄdle, though what this was is unknown; wĂŠter-ĂĄdl is presumably dropsy)â (162-3). Well done! âĂlfthone was so called since it was employed as a remedy for elf-disease (ĂŠlfĂĄdl)â (163); âElf-dock (or elf-wort) has been identified with elecampane (helenium)â (164) no ref except a âbut see G&S, pp. 90-91â (164 n. 1). âElf-grass is âa kind of grass yerbwives find, and give to cattle they conceive injured by elvesâ â (164, quoted by *J. Britten and R. holland, Dictionary of English Plant-Names, p. 533). âA charm, when used in medicine, was regarded as a password to health. The earliest form of the charm was probably a simple command; later an epic introduction was added, such as is seen in the Merseburg charms. It was thought that the telling of a story of what had once happened in the case of gods might induce the same event to happen again for the benefit of mankindâ (241). Last sentence not daft, but 1st and 2nd pretty amazing! Also some gobsmacking credulity round here. Re Meroney 1945, âThe most interesting [246] of the words is biran which occurs in the âworm charmâ in Lacnunga (10, xxvi). This he thinks to be s diminutive of the Old Irish bir, a spear. If so, it is presumably the Old Irish word for elf-shotâ (245-6). *165-7 re dwrfs. Boor, Helmut de, âDer Zwerg in Skandinavienâ, in Fest Schrift:
Eugen Mogk zum 70. Geburtstag 19. Juli 1924, ed. XXXX (Halle an der
Saale: Niemeyer, 1924), pp. 536â57. Seems to argue, partly on grounds
of genre where they appear, that dvergar are a literary thing whereas
ĂĄlfar are proper folk-belief. Interestingâread it! **Boor, Helmut de, âZauberdichtungâ, Germanische Alterumskunde,
ed. by Hermann Schneider, 346-58 (Munich, 1938). Boor, Helmut de (ed.), Das Nibelungenlied: Nach der Ausgabe von Karl
Bartsch, 20th ed. (Wiesbaden: Brockhaus, 1972) *Boroditsky, Lera, âFirst-language Thinking of Second-Langugae
Understanding: Mandarin and English Speakersâ Conceptions of Timeâ,
Proceedings of the Cognitive Science Society, 21 (1999), 84â89 *Boroditsky, Lera, âMetaphoric Structuring: Understanding Time
through Spatial Metaphorsâ, Cognition, 75 (2000), 1â28. *Boroditsky, Lera, âDoes Language Shape Thought? Mandarin and English
Speakersâ Conceptions of Timeâ, Cognitive Psychology, 43 (2001),
1â22. Boroditsky, Lera, Lauren A. Schmidt and Webb Phillips, âSex, Syntax
and Semanticsâ, in Language in Mind: Advances in the Study of Language
and Thought, ed. by Dedre Gentner and Susan Goldin-Meadow (Cambridge:
MIT Press, 2003), pp. 61â79. âFurther, how (through what cognitive
mechanisms) can thinking for speaking a particular language exert influence
over other types of thinking? Are some cognitive domains more susceptible
to linguistic influence than others, and if so, why? For example, early
work on color showed striking similarity in color memory among speakers
of different languages despite wide variation in color terminology.
However, research into how people conceptualize more abstract domains
like time has uncovered striking crosslinguistic differences in thought.
Why would there be such strong evidence for universality in color perception,
but quite the opposite for thinking about time? One possibility is that
language is most powerful in influencing thought for more abstract domains,
that is, ones not so reliant on sensory experience. While the ability
of perceive colors is heavily constrained by universals of physics and
physiology, the conception of time (say, as a vertical or a horizontal
medium) is not constrained by physical experience and so is free to
vary across languages and culturesâ (63); citing Boroditsky 1999,
2000, 2001 relevantly. **Borovsky, Zoe, âFolkdrama, Farce, and the Fornaldarsögurâ,
apparently an oral paper, cited by Straubhaar 2001, with Bakhtinian
approaches to FSS. Borsje, Jacqueline, From Chaos to Enemy: Encounters with Monsters
in Early Irish Texts. An Investigation Related to the Process of Christianization
and the Concept of Evil, Instrvmenta patristica, 29 (SteenbrugisXXXXcheck
with catalogue, 1996). Buy. *Borst, Arno, Das Turmbau von Babel. Geschichte der Meinungen ĂŒber
Ursprung und Vielfalt der Sprachen und Völker (Stuttgart, 1957â63),
at least two vols. *Boswell, John, Same-Sex Unions in Pre-Modern Europe *Boswell, John, Christianity, Social Tolerance, and Homosexuality
278ff. re saracens as effeminate as well as sodomites Boswell, John, The Kindness of Strangers: The Abandonment of Children
in Western Europe from Late Antiquity to the Renaissance (New York:
XXXX, 1988). I sw repr. University of Chicago Press 1998 repr. dunno
if paginationâs different⊠Bosworth, Joseph and T. Northcote Toller, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary
(London: Oxford University Press, 1898)., sv. of-sceĂłtan, II, âOfscoten
elf-shot, diseased from an elfâs shotâ. Sv. wĂŠterĂŠlf-ald, âSome
form of illnessâ. Supplements checkedâCampbell gives âwĂŠterĂŠlfadlâ.
s.v. ĂŠlf-siden âThe influence of elves or of evil spirits, the nightmareâ;
s.v. ĂŠlf-sogoða âA disease ascribed to fairy influence, chiefly
by the influence of the castalides, dĂșnelfen, which were considered
to possess those who were suffering under the disease, a case identical
with being possessed by the devil, as will appear from the forms of
prayers appointed for the cure of the diseaseâ NB sogoða is a word
denoting a disease. *Boudriot, W., Die Altgermanische Religion (Bonn, 1928). Wood 1995
cites for brrowing of proscriptions against paganism in EME. But no
page refs! Baddle. Bouman, A. C., Patterns in Old English and Old Icelandic literature,
Leidse Germanistische en Anglistische Reeks, 1 (Leiden: Universitaire
Pers, 1961) *Bourke, Angela, âFairies and Anorexia: Nuala NĂ Dhomhnaillâs
âAmazing Grassâ â, Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium,
13 (1993), 32â35. Bowers, John M., The Politics of âPearlâ: Court Poetry in the
Age of Richard II (Cambridge: Brewer, 2001) Boyer, Pascal, The Naturalness of Religious Ideas (Berkely: University
of California, 1994) *Boyer, Pascal, âCognitive Aspects of Religious Ontologies: How
Brain Processes Constrain Religious Conceptsâ, in Approaching Religion,
ed. by T. AhlbĂ€ck (Ă
bo, 1999), pp. 53â72. Boyer, Pascal, âEvolution of the Modern Mind and the Origins of
Culture: Religious Concepts as a Limiting-Caseâ, in Evolution of the
Human Mind: Modularity, Language and Meta-Cognition, ed. by Peter Carruthers
and Andrew Chamberlain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002),
pp. 93â112 ##Boyer, RĂ©gis, Le Monde du Double: La magie chez les anciens Scandinaves
(Paris, 1986) XXXX re style. no index ref re elves ï Speaks of silver
crosses with 9 women onâinteresting cf. for charms: nikonekross in
Norwegian; mostly in Denmark. No specific date given ï âEn SuĂšde
et en NorvĂšge, il sâagit surtout de croix de plomb (blykors), souvent
en relations avec des enterrments. Elles sont petitesâde trois Ă
quatorze centimĂštres de hautâet portent toutes sortes dâinscriptions,
en runes, en latin, lâune mĂȘme a ADONAI. Leur caractĂšre apotropĂ©ique
(pour écarter un malheur ou un danger) semble établi. Elles ont dû
souvent servir ĂĄ conjurer les alfes, devenus elfes dans le folklore,
ces entités surnaturelles étranges qui paraissent avoir été conçues
en relations avec nos facultés mentales. Une de ces croix de plomb
porte une conjuration sans équivoque: contra elphos hec in [114] plumbo
scrive. En fait, il est bien difficile de trancher de la vertu de ces
roix ou autres amulettes chrétiennes: conjurations magiques? ou exorcisms?
Ou gages dâabsolution? (ce dernier cas, par excellence, pour celles
qui ont Ă©tĂ© dĂ©posĂ©es dans les tombes)â (113-14). This form intriguing,
given its ME appearance too. Whatâs it all about? pp. 117ff. re albruna,
apparently. Actually not, thoâ they discuss ârun names: âCâest
le mot rĂșn lui-mĂȘme qui prĂȘte Ă confusion. il suggĂšre une idĂ©e
de secret chuchotĂ©, de mystĂšre, et donc de magie. Lâhistorien got
Jordanes (VIe siÚcle) est un des premiers responsables de cette interprétation.
Il parle dans sa Getica (XXIV, 121) de magas mulieres, patrio sermone
haliurunas (femmes sorciĂšres, en /leur/ [sic] idiome national haliurunas.
Ce dernier terme a depuis longtemps attirĂ© lâattention des spĂ©cialistes,
haliurunas renvoie Ă©videntement Ă helrĂșn, sorciĂšres, tout comme
le vieux haut allemand connaĂźt, pour sorcellerie, un helliruna. Entendons
que les sorciĂšres en question connaĂźtraient les secrets, les ârunesâ
de Hel (gotique halja) qui dĂ©signe le royaume des mortsâ (117). [461:4.c.95.168
NF2] Also suggests generic switching in Orkneyinga saga, jĂłmsvĂkinga
saga as mark of earlynss. hmm. Boyer, RĂ©gis, âEinheri and valkyrja, which is the sex of the hero
in the North?â, in Gudar pĂ„ jorden: festskrift till Lars Lönnroth,
ed. by Stina Hansson and Mats Malm (Stockholm, 2000), pp. 34â43. Usual
amazing rubbish. But some interesting points thus: âFinally we come
t the genuine Scandinavian-Germanic hero, that is to say Sigurðr Fåfnisbani.
As everybody knows, he is not a convincing hero, although everybody
was convinced he was the paragon of a hero! The way he kills FĂĄfnir
the dragon is not particularly admirable! If he clears the passage of
the wall of fire, it is thanks to his horse, Grani! And his death is
notoriously ignominious, either he is killed from behind in a forest,
orâwhich is particularly ungloriousâin his bed! However, there is
no doubt that he is the hero. This is one thing. The other is the great
number of women with whom his story is connected. In a way, it is permissible
to declare that Brynhildr or GuðrĂșn are, if one may say so, more heroic
than he is!â (42). Apparently he has more on this in some French book,
no page nos cited. 34â35 NBs how much gender trouble there is in Norse
mythology, contrast with Gk. Guess this may even be worth citing, thoâ
am reluctant to âcos heâs so rubbish. Boyer, Regis XXXXspell?, âOn Toki the Scandinavianâ, Arv, 56 (2000), 25-34. Some interesting stuff re magic of bows, arrows etc. Might give some insight re that whole smith business in wiĂŸ fĂŠr. Intimate connection of smithery with magic? As with dwarves, Welund? Bronze age rock carvings (Swedish hĂ€llristingar), i.e. 1800-400 BC, âpresent in the whole Northâ; âNow, if there is a motif which appears frequently on these rocks, it is the archer, either alone and standing, or skiing. The last point is important ⊠It is a recurrent theme since we stil find it, in the sixteenth century, among the famous drawings illustrating the Swede Olaus Magnusâs worksâ (25). âAs for the rock carvings, it happens that those hunters on their skis are not human beings, they may be animalsâ (26). âLet us notice, for the moment, that the bow belongs to a set of themes: swiftness (the skis) and lucky huntingâ (26)âthis seems rather an assumption tho. Some waffle too re Samis inventing skis and being the original settlers of the North, ho hum⊠(26). NO REFS! Völundarkviða collocates Slagfinnr/Slagfiðr (âwhich we may understand as the SĂĄmi who deals blows, the pugnacious SĂĄmiâ, 26), Egill âwho is everywhere described as a great archerâ (everywhere but here, no?) (26), and all three hunting on skis and linked with valkyries/swan-maidens. âWe thus find here a link between bow and skis and the magical connotations ⊠that we saw at the beginning of this little studyâ (26)âah, the one that you assumed with no refs or discussion. NBs franks casket; reckons ĂŠgili scene to be âstudded with small round objects which could be apples!â (26). Bloody French. Saxo has re Toko Bk X (and mention in XIV) (26-7). Apple shooting thing, and skiing feat; shoots Haraldr blĂĄtönn in the end. âFrom these four documents, at least four points can be deduced. // First, there is the extraordinary shot of the arrow with the premonitory trick against the king, in case of failure: little by little, the myth has accordingly progressed toward the âSwissâ aspect of the story [! âthe mythâ, this man is a bit odd]. // Then comes the prowess on skis, both factsâthe shot of the arrow and the prowess on skisâbeing put into relationship with the ddrunkenness (the âmadnessâ [No! Neither mentioned, no is drunkenness explicitly present in skiing bit, according to the slab Boyer presents]) of the hero, which is a source of boasting, the last one being itself the cause of the rest of the tale. // [28] Thirdly, there is the regicide, and Book XIV does not add at random that Toko was the first Christian in his family; we shall come to that later. // We have equally noticed that Saxo, who is a treasury of traditions which, generally, he no longer understood or which seemed to him so firmly established that he did not feel the need to explain them, gives Toko as the son of Slag, whose name curiously recalls Slag(fiðr), Egillâs borhter, Völundrâs brother! So, the reliability of this tradition does not seem to need questioning. One more detail: for Saxo, Toko, Toko Trolle, Toko Stotte are identical expressions. Assuredly, trolle conveys an idea of witchcraft, of magic, and Stotte could suggest some haughtiness, some insane pride ⊠Let us conclude on this point and note that Saxo tells us that the toko story is âvery oldâ â (27-8). Insane ehâŠ? JĂłmsvĂkinga saga ch. 10, PĂĄlnatoki (Boyer: âthe Toki of the Polesâ 28) shoots Haraldr blĂĄtönn in rump and kills him (28-9). Analogues in Hemingr too, esp Hemings ĂŸĂĄttr ĂslĂĄkssonar (29). 29-32 mad interpretation section, all sorts of waffle; but: âThis myth, which will later give birth to the story of William Tell, seems to me to offer first a âsportingâ valency in close connection with huntingâ; âthe politico-religious valency (here, Christian) is far more evident. In a way, it is this valeny that will ensure the popularity, unexpected in itself, of this myth in Switzerland. Toko-Toki-Hemingr is the man, the hero who dares face the tyrant, defy him, defet him, kill him indeedâ; âWe feel, hwoever, that, as has just been suggested, a set of themes, religious once more, but far deeper, is governing this myth. And it explains why I want to insist more on the pagan-magical valency of this taleâ (30)âoh dear. Still, the 2nd point was pretty good, until he went a bit strange over it (30). Goes for idea that old scand religion privileged fertility over war, vs., he reckons, all the French. sounds okay to me, thoâ he drifts when emphasising ĂĂłrr as character who raises goats from the dead etc, apples as fertility symbols⊠(30-31); thoâ NB that âArchaeology has found a lot of apples or nuts, very often in great numbers, in graves, which is a sign of their eschatological valueâ (31 NO REF!). Well into hemingr as hamr + ingr and related to shape-changers etc. etymology seems fair enough (31-2 for argument) and follows Nils Lid, 1946, Hemingtradisjonen with no p. no.! This man is CRAP. toki as madman which apparently is it transparent meaning (32). âIn this way, I think, we are justified in interpreting this myth. If, as is possible, William Tellâs figure has imposed itelf in Switzerland from the Uri conton which was colonized by Germanic tribes, we have, in that case, the result of an Indo-European myth that has been wandering for a very long timeâ (32) AAARRRRRGHH! Summarizes tale-type as âa tyrant facing a hero who is a great sportsman, but a mad one, and on whom he imposes an unthinkable exploit that the hero accomplishes, after which he eliminates the tyrantâ (33). Adduces interesting and undeniably very similar story from Herodotus III, 35 (assuming heâs reported it accuratelyâŠ) (33). Prexaspes, after shooting kingâs son thru heart, says â âMaster, I do not believe that the god himself could have hit so preciselyâ. I have underlined âthe god himselfâ because the question is to know who is envisaged here. And the answer is certainly easy. The supreme god of the Persians was the sun (Herodotus calls him Apollo because, of course, he feels obliged to Hellenize him) whose âarrowsâ (the rays) never miss their target, whatever it might beâ (33). Hmm. All of that is inferred, and it doesnât strike me as being at all like the norse stuff; Boyer has even inverted the roles of Prexaspes and Cambyses as they appear in Greneâs trans.! ARRRGH! Links then with Skaði, apparently assoc with sun and giving name to Scandinavia (*Skaðin-auja); âAnd is it by chance that Skaði is depicted everywhere as a great archer and sportswoman? // [34] This allows me, I suppose, to conclude that Toko, Toke, Hemingr and others could quite simply be solar heroesâ (33-4). Ah, the madness of him. But this is an interesting collocation re elves, no? welund assoc with archer, elves, sami; elves with sun; Skaði with bow. Hmm. Find out re Skaði anyway. Cf. Tolkienâs elves being into bows? But that could come via the robin hood tradition too etc. This article is absolutely crap. How it reached publication I donât
know, and itâs an embarrassment to Arv. Brady, Caroline, â âWarriorsâ in Beowulf: An Analysis of the
Nominal Compounds and an Evaluation of the Poetâs Use of themâ,
Anglo-Saxon England, 11 (1983), 199â246. Bradley, Richard, An Archaeology of Natural Places (London: Routledge,
2000). A cool book but not of particular use for PhD cos it doesnâ;t
have enough about supernatural beings. Braekman, Willy L., âNotes on Old English Charmsâ, Neophilologus,
64 (1980), 461-9 [P700.c.135 NW2]. Concept in 9 herbs charm that beneficent
herbs come from God supported (found in 9twigs one that follows and
needs to be counted with 9 herbs to make 9). Earliest ev he sez in C9/10
charmVienna, National Library, Cod. 751, olim Theol. 259. Vs storms
(p. 195) that Xian reviser invents Xian origin for beneficent powers
(462, 462-3 generally). regenmelde âgreat proclamationâ would then
be Godâs making the herbs beneficent. Cf. idea of mine of conversion
as new beginning in human relations with natural world. wise lord creating
herbs as he hung in 9 twigsâsounds like Ăðinn in HĂĄvalmĂĄl (463).
May have been Xianised then (463-4). Then re Lacn CLXI, Gif hors bið
gewrĂŠht, with charm âNaborrede unde uenistiâ and âCredidi propterâ
(latter vulgate psalm 115) (465). Argues Naborrede as nabo âvoracityâ
+ rede âfeverâ. Perhaps a bit more on the attestations, esp for
OE, would help. But sounds okay (465-6). Symptoms of appropriate horsy
illness due to overeating grain etc. 466-7. Thus âNaborrede, whence
came thee?â Links with MHG horse charm, corrupt & vernacular,
with similar questionâbut also âsod off where you came fromâ clause
(467-8), which he takes as implied here (468). Bragg, Lois, âThe Modes of the Old English Metrical Charms: The Texts of Magicâ, in New Approaches to Medieval Textuality, ed. by Mikle David Ledgerwood, Studies on Themes and Motifs in Literature, 28 (New York, 1998), pp. 117â40. Calls all medical text etc. âcharmsâ. Irritating. Uses citation form Esa re Wið fĂŠr (ah, but apparently following Kennedy) and says that âfaer is a sudden attack by armed raidersâ (134). Makes you worry. Otherwise didnât say anything useful to me. has both âIf there is a piece of iron in here, / the work of a witchâ and âor a shot of witchesâ (134). Bragg, Lois, âRunes and Readers: In and Around The Husbandâs Messageâ, Studia Neophilologica, 71 (1999), 34â50. 34-37 emphs how hard it is uto understand HBM runes. Identity, etc. âRalph W. V. Elliottâs romantic readings of the poemâs runic passage, such as âFOllow the sunâs path across the sea to find joy with the man who is waiting for youâ, are so often cited as definitive that their diregard for the fundamental principles of the runic writing system seems to have escaped scrutiny by nearly everyone except Pageâ (36). âThe verbs and prepositions in such as âslightly expandedâ version are produced out of thin air, there being no reason for selecting these verbs and prepositions over others that would produce an entirely different meaningâ (38). Thoâ Iâd still buy Begriffsrunen rare (36). Dead into ludic alphabets, medieval scholarly messing about 38-41; âThat the Exeter Bookâs public would have been able to solve the runic passage in The Husbna;ds Message as a cryptogram is therefore likely, although the possibilities remain that it is either faulty or fakeâ (40). Sensibly unhappy about beam as rune-stve: implies tree or shaped trunk of tree (41). âThis is not to say that runic writing could not appear on a larger staff that served some other purpose [than sending a message, âcommunicationâ]. In fact, there are such examples: the ca. 800 stick from Hedeby that bears a fuĂŸark (Moltke Runes 193), a fifty-centimeter round stick that bears a charm, written in runes, against an unidentified disease, along with pictures and a message in an unsolves (and otherwise unexemplified) cunieform cryptography (ibid. 352-53)âŠâ (41). Ooh! But I still wonder if this could be a beam. Rightly points out that weâve no ev. for runes as communication in ASEâor even Viking Dublin where you have good preservation conditions (42-44). But thoroughly fixated with the communication idea. Into an assoc with runes and death (memorial) (44). âOther readers of The Husbandâs Message have sensed death in the poem, specifically a dead lord sending to his lady to join him on the other side. The lordâs sigeĂŸeode, âvictory peopleâ, do sound much like the Old Norse sigrĂŸioð [sic], âthe âcomitatusâ of the einheriar in Valhallaâ (Bouman [PatternsâŠ] 65). No explanation of runes, which I guess is fair enough. Branston, Brian, The Lost Gods of England (London: Thames and Hudson, 1957) Brantlinger, Patrick, Dark Vanishings: Discourse on the Extinction of Primitive Races, 1800-1930 (Cornell UP 2003). Looked at only on Google Books--check proper ref. ' "Makanna's Gathering",a poem by Pringle about the 1819 frontier war, was even more provocative, at least for one colonialist critic, who [84] thought it had helped to inspire the Xhosas to go to war in 1834-35. This accusation, based on the absurd notion that the Xhosas could somehow have read and been influenced by Pringle's poem, suggests howmuch animosity and paranoia there was, at least by the time of the 1834-35 war, toward humanitarianism in general. First published in the Oriental Herald in 1827 under the title "War Song of Makanna", Pringle's poem represents the prophet-chief of the 1819 rebellion awakening the "AmakĂłsa" (or Xhosas) to "arm yourselves forwar ... To sweep the White Men from the earth, And drive them to the sea" (35, 100). Writing in the Graham's Town Journal in 1835, the critic declares: Not the most zealous "Makanna", nor the most ferocious Kafir [sic] chief ... could have spirited up his countrymen in the remorseless warfare of revenge and extermination more effectually or more earnestly than has this ungrateful viper, Mr. Thomas Pringle. What! a Briton! and one who is the conspicuous organ of all the real or apparent philanthropists of the day ... good God!'The critic goes on to accuse Pringle of "draw[ing] down the horrid vengeance of the unsparing assegai upon our defenceless and, till now, peaceful homes" (quoted in Pretorius, 51).' (pp. 83-84). Braune, Wilhelm (ed.), Althochdeutsches Lesebuch, 15th edn by Ernst
A. Ebbinghaus (TĂŒbingen: Niemeyer, 1969) Braune, Wilhelm, Althochdeutsche Grammatik, 14th rev. ed. by Hans
Eggers, Sammlung kurzer grammatiken germanischer dialekte, 5 (TĂŒbingen,
1987). Bray, Dorothy Ann, a List of Motifs in the Lives of the Early Irish
Saints, Folklore Fellows communications 252 (Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakatemia
1992) [theol JD1580 BRA] Bredehoft, Thomas A., âĂlfric and Late Old English Verseâ, Anglo-Saxon
England, 33 (2004), 77â107. Bredsdorff, Thomas, Chaos & Love: The Philosophy of the Icelandic
Family Sagas, trans. by John Tucker (Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press,
2001). Check original in library cats, copyright page gives Kaos og
kĂŠrlighed (Copenhagen, 1971, 1995), which isnât enormously helpful. *Breeze, Andrew, âOld English Trum âStrongâ, Truma âHostâ:
Welsh Trwm âHeavyâ â, Notes and Queries, 40 (238) XXXX (1993),
16â19. Breeze, Andrew 1997. Old English Wann, âDark; Pallidâ: Welsh
Gwann âWeak; Sad, Gloomyâ. ANQ 10: 10â13. Breeze, Andrew, âSeven Types of Celtic Loanwordâ, in The Celtic
Roots of English, ed. by Markku Filppula, Juhani Klemola and Heli PitkÀnen,
Studies in Languages, 37 (Joensuu: University of Joensuu, Faculty of
Humanities, 2002), pp. 175â81 Bremmer, Rolf H. Jr., âThe Importance of Kinship: Uncle and Nephew
in Beowulfâ, Amsterdamer BeitrĂ€ge zur Ă€lteren Germanistik, 15 (1980),
21â38. Mainly surveys ev. for the importance of sisterâs son in
ASE and shows importance in Bwf esp. re likelihood that Wiglaf stands
in this relation to Bwf. Bremmer, Rolf H., âThe Old Frisian Component in Holthausenâs
Altenglisches etymologisches Wörterbuchâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 17
(1988), 5â13. *âWidows in Anglo-Saxon England.â In L. van den Berg and J. Bremmer
(eds.), Between Poverty and the Pyre: Moments in the History of Widowhood.
London and New York: Routledge. 58â88. 1995. Bremmer, Rolf H., âThe Anglo-Saxon Pantheon According to Richard
Verstegen (1605)â, in The Recovery of Old English: Anglo-Saxon Studies
in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, ed. by Timothy Graham (Kalamazoo,
2000), pp. 141-72. âhe flatly ignore Tacitusâs information that
the Germans ânec cohibere parietibus deos neque in ullam humani oris
speciem adsimulare ex magnitudine caelestium arbitranturâ (âdo not
think it in keeping with the divine majesty to confine gods within the
walls or to portray them in the likeness of any human countenanceâ),
Germania 9.3 (148). Caesar, De Bello Gallico VI, 21 claims celestial
bodies to be worshipped by Germans (156, n. 32) Brett, Cyril, âNotes in Passages of Old and Middle Englishâ,
Modern Language Review, 14 (1919), 1-9. âA. G. Little, Studies in
English Franciscan History (1917) p. 230 (extract from the Franciscan
Fasciculus Morum, v. 26, between 1272 and 1400, perhaps before 1340)
De uictoria fidei: âapud Elvelond, ubi iam, ut dicunt, manent illi
fortissimi athlethe, scilicet Onewone [so MS. Eton 34, f. 69: MS. Bodl.
410, f. 71, Unewyn] et WadeâŠâ â (1). Brewster, Paul G., âThe Foundation Sacrifice Motif in Legend, Folksong,
Game, and Danceâ, Zeitschrift fĂŒr Ethnologie, 96 (1971, 71â89;
repr. in The Walled-Up Wife: A Case-Book, ed. by Alan Dundes (Madison,
WI, 1996), pp. 35â62. [464:6.c.95.20 NF2] Nothing thatâs really
relevant to Merlin story except v. indirectly. Bridges, Margaret, âOf Myths and Maps: The Anglo-Saxon Cosmographerâs
Europeâ, in Writing and Culture, ed. by Balz Engler, SPELL: Swiss
Papers in English Language and Literature, 6 (TĂŒbingen: Narr, 1992),
pp. 69â84. Utter waffle. **Brie, Maria, âDer germanische, insbesondere der englische Zauberspruchâ,
Mitteilungen der Schlesischen Gesellschaft fĂŒr Volkskunde, 8, 2 XXXX
(1906), 1-36. Briem, Ălafur, Vanir og Ăsir, Studia Islandica, 21 (ReykjavĂk, 1963). Haddingjar as blokes with womanâs hairdo, like feminised priest figures 258â59 to explain why itâs the heardingas who âðone hĂŠle nemdunâ in Rune Poem Ing. [Another respect in which vanir might have had a different significance
from that in Snorriâs mythography is suggested by Briemâs arguments
(1963). Briem effectively re-shaped the long-standing idea of the vanir
as a more ancient cult, overlain by the ĂŠsir cult of later invaders
of Scandinavia (on which see NĂ€sström 1995, 61â62), to argue that
place-name and other evidence suggested that vanir-cults were the deeper-rooted
in medieval Scandinavia, and that the gods conventionally known as the
ĂŠsirâparticularly Ăðinn, TĂœr and ĂĂłrrâwere concepts characteristic
of the West-Germanic-speaking areas, which were subsequently adopted
by progressively more northerly Germanic-speaking communities. This
argument may be unprovable. It seems clear that pagan mythologies developed
considerably in the centuries preceding the conversion of Scandinavia
to Christianity, but while variation in the mythologies is clear in
our texts, it is hard to equate this with chronological strata. Moreover,
part of Briemâs argument was ex silentio, being based on the idea
that there is no evidence for the vanir-gods among the West-Germanic-speaking
peoples (1963, XXXX). In a limited sense, this is true, and it is certainly
plausible to see the Roman frontier as a culturally (and linguistically)
innovative zone in the Germanic-speaking world, with developments in
this area influencing more northerly regions more slowly (see Carl PhD
XXXX). But the point ignores the difficulty of confidently identifying
cognatess of Freyr and Freyja in West Germanic place-names as theophoric
(see for Old English Gelling 1961, XXXX; see further below, TTTT), and
the distinct possibility that similar gods were known in this area by
different names (which is a corollary of my discussion below). Accordingly,
North (1997, esp. XXXX) has recast this kind of argument to place Ing,
a counterpart of Freyr, at the centre of Anglo-Saxon paganism, as Briem
placed the vanir at the centre of earlier Scandinavian paganism, with
figures like Woden and Ăunor being conceived as more peripheral figures,
the prominence of the Scandinavian counterparts Ăðinn and ĂĂłrr in
our sources being the result of later developments; while the appearance
of words like wuldor and XXXX as the god-names Ullr and XXXX in Scandinavia
is taken as an example of the same processes. Although many of Northâs
arguments are unconvincing or inadmissible (see for example below, TTTT,
TTTT), he has provided a valuable alternative model to Snorriâs pantheon-based
mythography for interpreting the evidence for pre-conversion Anglo-Saxon
beliefs.] Briggs, Katherine, The Fairies in English Tradition and Literature
(London, 1967) [1991.8.351]. Mainly too late for me. But has Walter
Map, Geoffrey of Monmouth, Gerald of Wales, Gervase of Tilbury (esp.
Otia Imperialia III), Ralph of Coggeshall (Rolls series 66, pp. 66,
120-1), William of Newburgh, Orfeo, Marie de France, Huon of Bordeaux
(EETS 1883-7, i, 73). That surveyâs pp. 4-10. ASC 1127. Orderic. Briggsâ K. M.â âThe Fairies and the Realms of the Deadââ
Folkloreâ 81 (1970)â 81-96. Guinever and Lancelot in Orfeo-type
story, she argues; Mallory XIX §1. ââŠit has been suggested that
Sir Meliagrance, theson of King Bagdemagus, was a king of the Underworld.
If this were so it would bring Guinevere and Meroudys [=Heroudys] into
some connectionâ (82). Cfs Midir and Etain (84)âking tries to protect
woman from being nicked but sheâs got anyway. Rather frustrating tour
of various bits of folklore, very few refs at all. Probably be worth
another look and a ref if you get into elfs-as-the-dead territory. Also
NB Romance of Thomas of Ercildoune. Ballads also. Might be useful. *Briggs, K. M., The Fairies in Tradition and Literature [Uc.7.5810] *Briggs, Katharine M., The Vanishing People: A Study of Traditional
Fairy Beliefs (1978), 31 re lost children of eve story in Scotland. *Briggs, Robin, Witches and Neighbours: The Social and Cultural Context
of European Witchcraft, 2nd ed. (Oxford, 2002). Brink, Stefan, âHome: The Term and the Concept from a Linguistic
and Settlement-Historical Viewpointâ, in The Home: Words, Interpretations,
Meanings, and Environments, ed. by David N. Benjamin (Aldershot: Avebury,
1995), pp. 17â24. Just brief look at cognates and place names, not
much punch. This is kind of a cool collection, BTWâsomething to come
back to. Brink, Stefan, âPolitical and Social Structures in Early Scandinaviaâ,
Tor, 28 (1996), 235â81. Re his model of typic (Swedish-based) central
place toponymy, âFour theophoric place-names occur, indicating a probably
division into two different chronological layers, an older one represented
by the goddess â NjĂ€rdâs stav âstaffâ and the god Ullâs Ă„ker
âarable landâ, and a presumably younger name-pair, the goddess Fröjaâs
berg âhillockâ and the god Fröâs lund âgroveâ. The occurrence
of such name-pairs, with female and male pagan divinities found in the
names of places close by [242] each other, cannot, in my opinion, be
explained away. This kind of theophoric name-pair probably had some
significance for the pagan fertility cult and very often occurs in a
central-place contextâ (241â42). 242 mentions Bwf and poetic edda
hall stuff, et passim actually. 247â48 re Uppsala templum, arguing
that although usually so called, the one instance of triclinium is the
crucial thing; n. 1 (text on p. 274) ascribes this to a pers comm from
François-Xavier Dillmann. Brink, Stefan, âPolitical and Social Structures in Early Scandinavia
ii: Aspects of Space and Territorialityâthe Settlement Districtâ,
Tor, 29 (1997), 389â437. *Brink, S., âSocial Order in the Early Scandinavian Landscapeâ,
in Settlement and Landscape: Proceedings of a Conference in Ă
rhus,
Denmark, May 4â7 1998, ed. by C. Fabech and J. Ringtved (HĂžjbjerg,
1999), pp. 423â38. *Brink, S., âFornskandinavisk religionâförhistoriskt samhĂ€lle:
en bosĂ€ttningshistorisk studie av centralorder i Nordenâ, in Religion
och samhÀlle i det förkristna Norden: et symposium, ed. by U. Drobin
XXXX (Odense, 1999), 11â55. *Brink, Stephan, âSocial Order in the Early Scandinavian Landscapeâ,
in Settlement and Landscape ed. Fabech etc (1999) Brink, Stephan, âMythologizing Landscape: Place and Space of Cult
and Mythâ, in KontinuitĂ€ten und BrĂŒche in der Religionsgeschichte:
Festschrift fĂŒr Anders HultgĂ„rd zu seinen 65. Geburtstag am 23.12.2001
in Verbindung mit Olof Sundqvist und Astrild van Nahl, ed. by Michael
Strausberg, ErgÀnzungsbÀnde zum Reallexicon der Germanischen Altertumskunde,
31 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2001), pp. 76â112. âIn historical times,
we in the western world have transformed nature and landscape (i.e.
the cultural landscape) from an essentially existential âpartnerâ,
charged with mythical cultic, numinous and socializing places of memory,
places that people had a âreligiousâ relation with, into economic
entities, containers of resources, of raw material, that we can use
or rather misuse in an [sic] unilateral wayâ (81). Suggests Xianity
brings division of profane and holy, changes rel. with lnadscape (81â83);
Gk interaction with natural/divine world 83â85. âA religion may
either bind people to a place or free them from it. The pagan religion
of Scandinavia was obviously of the former kindâ (86). Xianity âcut
off the chains to the earth and to the heimatâ (86). Buys into big
distinction between upper and lower deities, ĂĄlfar among the lower.
Hmm. Eminently citable re mythologised character of landscape, proximity
of divine, lack of distinction between natural and divine etc. âWe
have a most interesting case in Sweden, in which a large forest may
be interpreted as âthe forest where the gods dwellâ or something
like that, namely the large borderalnd called Tiveden, situated between
the provinces of VĂ€stergötland and NĂ€rkeâ (100). < tĂvar he
argues. Brodeur, Arthur Gilchrist, The Art of âBeowulfâ (Berkeley: University
of California Press, 1959) Broedel, Hans Peter, The âMalleus maleficarumâ and the Construction
of Witchcraft: Theology and Popular Belief (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 2003). 91â121 ch. 5 âWitchcraft: the formation of belief
Iâ. âFrom rumors, memorates, and denunciations and confessions couched
in traditional terms, Institoris and Sprenger constructed their image
of witchcraft. As inquisitors and priests they were uniquely well positioned
to hear an astonishing range of opinion and narrative concerning witches,
and were equally obliged to make sense of it all. The witch-beliefs
of the Malleus draw heavily upon traditional beliefs and previously
constituted categories which Institoris and Sprenger reinterpreted in
a manner consistent with a theologically Thomist view of the world.
The success of this project was due less to their theological sophistication
and rigorous logic (neither of which is especially evident), than to
their sensitivity to the world picture of their informants. They did
not simply demonise popular belief, but tried instead to reconstruct
it for their own purposes. Their picture of witchcraft was successful
precisely because iit corresponded so closely with the ideas of the
less well educated. Other demonologists treated witchcraft as a sect,
worse than, but otherwise similar to, other heresies; because of their
epistemological and metaphysical assumptions, however, Istitoris and
Sprenger understood witchcraft much more as did the common man, as part
of a spectrum of human interaction with preternatural and supernatural
powers. For this reason, althjough the model of witchcraft in the Malleus
is certainly a composite, constructed from several different but interrelated
idea-clusters, the fit between this model and supranormal events as
they were reported was closer than the [101] competing models of other
learned observers, and was thus more persuasiveâ (100â101). Re women
riding out etc. 101â115. âAlthough they are scattered over several
centuries, taken together these accounts suggest a reasonably consistent
body of belief, closely related to the [104] rural European âfairy
cultsâ described by nineteenth and twentieth-century folklorists.
In its medieval form, the tradition centred upon a belief in troops
of spectral women, led by some specific but variously named mistress,
which visited houses at certain times of the year and brought either
good fortune or ill, depending on the their reception. These beings
might also determine a personâs fate at birth, and claimed a certain
number of people, sometimes up to a third of humanity, as their own.
Those chosen, who appear to have been mainly women, accompanied the
trouping âfairiesâ on their rounds, paid court to their mistress,
and attended their revelsâ (103â104). *BrĂžgger, N. C., âFrĂžya-dyrkelse og seidâ, Viking, 15 (1951),
XXXX. Bromwich, Rachel, âCeltic Dynastic Themes and the Breton Laysâ, Ătudes Celtiques, 9 (1960â61), 439â74. Re Marie de France. Basically re loathly lady motif; sees it as an original Celtic sovereignty goddess thing (flaitheas na h-Eirenn âthe sovereignty of Irelandâ): Echtra mac n-Echach âThe adventure of the sons of Eochaid MugmedĂłnâ and CĂłir Anmann âThe fitness of namesâ episode re name Lugaid LĂĄigde (445), summaries 446-48. NB the first has separente incident interpolated (she says): Mongfind the queen âhas expressed a wish that the inheritance should be decided, and the task of doing so is entrusted to the smith Sithchenn. He sets fire to his forge: each pf the brothers saves some object from the fire, but it is NĂall who brings out the essential anvil and bellows. The sith pronounces obscure prophecies about each of the brothers, which are suggested by the nature of their burdensâ (447) interesting comparison for Völundr? Both have hunt followed by finding loathly lady. âA relationship between the Irish stories of the Transformed Sovereignty and the English poems in which this theme is attached variously to Gawain or to an idefinite or un-named character can admit little doubt. In its essentials the story is the same although ⊠in all the English [453] versions as they have come down the original significance of the Sovereignty theme has inevitably ceased to be recognised, and so a fresh explanation for the heroineâs transformation has been introducedâ (453). Hohum. Reckon itâs echoed in Perceval continuations. Unparalled bit of Peredur with 3 versions of Peredurâs fight with monster âvariously called sarff âserpentâ, pryf ;wormâ, and addanc, perhaps âwater-monsterâ â (457) sees undoubted fairy-mistressâ in the last. Assoc in text with India/Constaninople, âthin disguises for her Otherworld originâ (457 n. 3). Citing Jones and Jones ?trans 203-17. Suggests that she may even have been the addancâcf. serpent form of mistress in Walterâs Henno-cum-Dentibus (457, n. 4). âIn mediaeval sources these [Melusine] stories tend to have dynastic connotationsâ (457, n. 4). 458-60 names in Peredur-Perceval material and analogues suggesting dynastic origin legends lying behind them. âSince the Tranformed Hag is a receding figure, only faintly delineated, in the versions just considered, it is the less surprising to find that elsewhere in Old French literature the Chase of the Hite Stag has survived in isolation as a preliminary to adventures of a similar kind to those introduced by the combined motivesâ (460) hmm⊠Reckons Graelent most conservative of Breton laysâjust like lanfal in plot except Graelent wins fairy bride by chasing white hart, finding woman in pool and nicking her clothes (460, summary 460-61). Sees Lanval as more innovative, plausibly enough (461). âGuigemar retains nothing of the original theme except the chase of a white doe ⊠as the prelude to an episode of loveâ (462). Name-game and dynastic origins in Guigemar and Graelent (462-63), looks convincing enough. âAnother folktale, recorded as early as the sixteenth-century [sic],
tells how Urien Rheged met with a fairy at a ford, and from his union
with her sprang his even more famous son Owein (Yvain). (G. Evans, Report
on Welsh Mss. I, p. 911). Some corroborative evidence for the antiquity
of this tradition is to be found in the triad Tri Gwyndorllwyth, see
Trioedd Ynys Prydein no. 70. But such tales of the half-supernatural
descent of dynasties are essentially different in their emphasis from
the Sovereignty or âfairy-mistressâ type of dynastic theme which
is under consideration aboveâ (469, n. 1). Are you sure?! Then fades
away with some musings on place of origin of Gawain trads (Galloway).
But generally useful, esp. to ref for general e.g.s of fairy bride as
dynastic originator etc. Bromyard, Johannes de, Summa praedicantium (Nuremberg, 1518) [E.3.20] p. ccclv verso col. 2, âSortilegii siue cuiuscunq3/ diuinationis.
Primo in generali ostendet in/ uentio et prohibitio et sortilegorum
maledictio. Secundo/ in speciali ostendit carminatricum error. Tertio
deceptio ostendit que fit in cartulis et ligaturis circa collum por/
tatis et obuiationibus et vocibus auium et constellatio/ nibus. Quarto
deceptio ostendit que fit per diuina/ tionem et illusionem somniorum.
Quinto deceptio osten/ diture illorum qui dicunt se de die vel de nocte
a quodam/ pulchro populo rapi vel cum eis loqui vel volare seu/ quicquam
societatis habere. Sexto quare effectus diui/ nationis seu sortilegii
aliqando veraciter eueniunt:et quare/ deus hoc permittat:et quantum
deus permittat malignos/ spiritis in talibus praeualereâ (ie. cunquibus?)
and 7 and 8, bla bla. Bromiadus, Ioanni, Suma praedicantum (Antwerp, 1614) [G*.1.28]. Part 2, Cap. 11, p. 371, col. 1: âQuinto deceptio ostenditur illorum, qui/ dicunt se de die, vel de nocte Ă quodam pulchro po/ pulo rapi, vel cum eis loqui, vel volare, seu quicquam/ societatis habereâ same, p. 374, col. 1: âHac insuper illusione deceptĂŠ sunt mulieres,/ quae in hac parte magisinueniuntur culpabiles, quam viri, quĂŠ dicunt se rapi, Ă quodam populo, & duci/ ad loca quĂŠdam pulchra, ignota [Nuremberg innota], quĂŠ etiam di/ cunt se cum eis ĂŠquitare [Nuremberg equitare] per multa terrarum spa/ cia intempestatĂŠ noctis silentio, & loca plurima per/ transire, & qui eis credunt, & quod loca quĂŠcunq./ clausa exeunt, & intrant ad libitum.â Also, same place: âIllud etiam non/ est omittendum, quod quĂŠdam scelerate[hooked e] mulieres/ retro post Sathanam conuerse[hooked e] demonum [hooked e] illusioni/ bus, & phantasmatibus seductĂŠ frequenter se pro/ fitentur [Nuremberg praefitentur] cum diana nocturnis horis Deo pagano/ rum, vel cum Herodiade, & innumera multitudi/ ne mulierum ĂŠquitare {Nuremberg equâŠ] super quasdam bestias, &/ multarum terratum spatia pertransire intempestaĂŠ/ noctis silentio, & c. Sed vtinam hĂŠ solĂŠ in perfidia/ sua perijssent, & non multos secum ad infidelitatis/ interitum perduxissent. Et parum infra. Siquidem,/ & ipse Sathanas, qui transfigurat se in angelum lu/ cis , cum mentem cuiuscunque mulieris cĂŠperit, &/ hanc per infidelitatem sibi subiugerauerit.illico trans/ format se in diuersarum personarum species, atque/ similtudines, & mentem, quam captiuam tenet,/ in somnis deludens, modo lĂŠta, modo tristia, mo/do cognitas, modo incognitas personas ostendens,/ per deuia quĂŠque deducit, & cum solus spiritus/ hĂŠc patitur,, infidelis homo non in anima, sed in cor/ pores euenire opinatur. Et cito post paucis interpo/ sitis sequitur. Quisquis hoc credit infidelis est, &/ pagano deteriorâ. col. 2: âSecundo illas Ă nocumento non prĂŠseruant, si/ cut patet
per exemplum de muliere, quĂŠ sacerdoti/ de huiusmodi ducatu confessa
dixit, quod nulla/ clausura sibi obstare posset, quin statim per auxi/
lium, & inuocationem illius populi esset vbi vellet./ Tentabo, inquit,
sacerdos, & omnia firmans, &/ baculum in manu accipiens, &
ipsam egregie verberare incipiens prĂŠcepit, quod exitum quĂŠraret.
Quem cum inuenire non posset, fatere necesse fuit,/ quod tam illorum
auxilium, quam ars in necessita/ te sibi defecit. Ex prĂŠdictis ergo
patet, quod necesse. est fateri, quod in malo statu, & Ă demone
aliquo/ modo possessi sunt, vel propter defectum baptismi, vel/ confirmationis,
vel bonĂŠ vite[hooked e].â [all these Nuremberg p. CCClvii recto col
2 to verso col 1 (in the case of the last quote). Inc. 1. A.7.2 no title page or anythingâcheck it out using catalogue
I guess (alas, not the online one. C15 the bloke said). More heavily
abbreviated ï. Some spelling variations (equitare, ignota, fantasmâŠ)
but thatâs all I think. Inc. 1.c.1.5 Basel. 2 vols. Nothing new here either. No title page
either. Bronnenkant, L. J., âThurstable Revisitedâ, The English Place-Name
Society Journal, 15 (1982â83), 9â19 Brook, G. L. and R. F. Leslie, La3amon: Brut, Edited from British
Museum MS. Cotton Caligula A. ix and British Museum MS. Cotton Otho
C. xiii, 2 vols, Early English Text Society, 250, 277 (London: Oxford
University Press, 1963â78). *Brooke, Christopher N. L., The Medieval Idea of Marriage (Oxford,
1989) *Brooke, Daphne, âThe Northumbrian Settlements in Galloway and
Carrick: An Historical Assessmentâ, Proceedings of the Society of
Antiquaries of Scotland, 121 (1991), 295â327 Brooks, N. P., âArms, Status and Warfare in Late-Saxon Englandâ,
in Ethelred the Unready: Papers from the Millenary Conference, ed. by
David Hill, BAR, British Series, 59 (Oxford: BAR, 1978), pp. 81â103;
repr. in Nicholas Brooks, Communities and Warfare 700â1400 (London:
Hambledon, 2000), pp. 138â61. * N. Brooks, M. Gelling and D. Johnson, 'A New Charter of King Edgar',
Anglo-Saxon England, xiii (1984), pp. 137-55 Brown, Arthur C. L., âNotes on Celtic Cauldrons of Plenty and the
Land-Beneath-the-Wavesâ, in Anniversary Papers by Colleagues and Pupils
of George Lyman Kittredge: Presented on the Completion of his Twenty-Fifth
Year of Teaching in Harvard University, June, MCMXIII, ed. by Robinson,
Sheldon and Neilson (London, 1913), pp. 235â49. Looking for grail
origin etc. etc. nowt of use thoâ possibly worthwhile in its time. Brown, Lesley (ed.), The New Shorter Oxford English Dictionary on
Historical Principles, 2 vols, 4th ed. repr. (with corrections) (Oxford,
1993). Much updated from old SOED by new ref to OED but from that also
by ref to MED, DOST, N&Q etc. s.v. elf: â1 A supernatural, usu.
small being of Germanic mythology with magical powers for good or evil;
a fairy (sometimes distingiuished from a fairy as being male, or, formerly,
inferior or more malignant). OE.â much better than OED but also nice
e.g. of old mistakes. *Brown, Michelle P., âParis, BN lat. 10861 and the scriptorium
of Christ Church, Canterburyâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 15 (1987), 119â37.
So whence her refs to 164â71?! Wierd. Brown, Michelle P., The Book of Cerne: Prayer, Patronage, and Power
in Ninth-Century England (London: The British Library, 1996) [SW4 118:3.b.95.1].
Wow, looks great. CUL MS Ll.1.10. âIt forms part of a group of such
prayerbooks ⊠Harley 7653 (the Harleian praayerbook, now fragmentary
⊠); Harley 2965 (the Book of Nunnaminster âŠ); Royal 2.A.xx (the
Royal prayerbookâŠ). C8-9 (15). Context of Mercian supremacy. p. 19
for contents. Contains Marian devotions, discussed 139-40, in Latin.
A bit too palaeographical for immediate relevanceânot really much
on power and patronage etc. Never mind. 178â79 re provenance of Royal
Prayerbook, she says in 2001, but ref. seems a bit spurious to me. Brown, Michelle P., âFemale Book-Ownership and Production in Anglo-Saxon
England: The Evidence of the Ninth-Century Prayerbooksâ, in Lexis
and Texts in Early English: Studies Presented to Jane Roberts, ed. by
Christian Kay and Louise M. Sylvester, Costerus New Series, 133 (Amsterdam,
2001), pp. 45â67. âThere is much evidence pointing to high standards
of female literacy in pre-Alfredian Englandâ (45). Survey of ev. 45â51
before getting into Mercian MSS, with brief look at later ev. 58â60.
Incl. that Franksih womenâs book rpduction comparatively well-attested.
NBs that itâs striking that the best ev. comes from a rare kind of
book â ie. C9 books (50â51). Reckons Book of Nunnaminster (BL Harley
MS 2965) âwas probably made for and perhaps by a woman. By the end
of that century it was associated with, and likely owned by, a Mercian
noblewoman who became the wife of King Alfred. Although ght Ealhswith
/ Nunnaminster connection canot be conclusively substantiated, the Book
of Nunnaminster certainly appears to have been in female ownership in
Winchester during the late ninth and early tenth centuriesâ (55, cf.
53â56). âTo conclude, within three of the Mercian prayerbooks there
is a steady stream of evidence, all of it circumstantial, pointing to
female ownershipâ (58)âpartly âcos devotional books are partly
tailored to readers so likely to include gendered hints. Brown, Peter, âSorcery, Demons and the rise of Christianity from
Late Antiquity into the Middle Agesâ, in Witchcraft Confessions and
Accusations, ed. by Mary Douglas (London, 1970), pp. 14-46. [Anthrop
K430 DOU, 460:01.c.9. nf2] Brown, Peter, A Companion to Chaucer (Oxford, 2000). *Brown, Theo, âThe Black Dogâ, Folklore, 69 (1958), 175-92. Might
be good re scucca. *Brown, T. J., âThe Irish Element in the Insular System of Scripts
to circa A.D. 850â, Die Iren und Europa im frĂŒheren Mittelalter,
ed. H. Löwe, 2 vols (Stuttgart, 1982), i, 101â19. 109, n. 12 says
Epinal glossary now c. 700, Lapidge 1986, 58 buys this. *Brown, Tony and Glenn Foard, âThe Saxon Landscape: A Regional
Perspectiveâ, in The Archaeology of Landscape: Studies Presented to
Christopher Taylor, ed. by Paul Everson and Tom Williamson (Manchester:
Manchester University Press, 1998), pp. 67â94 *Bruce, D., âSome Proper Names in Layamonâs Brut not Represented
in Wace or Geoffrey of Monmouthâ, Modern Language Notes, 26 (1911),
65-9. Agues that Argante is < Morgant, who heals Arfa in Vita Merlini.
Apparently. Relevant re idea that La3amon wanted his elf shiny, cf.
argentus or whatever it is. *Bruckner, Wilhelm, Die Sprache der Langobarden, Quellen und Forschungen,
75 (Strassburg, 1895). Re etym of Alboin, Alpsuina. *Bruder, Reinhold, Die Germanische Frau im Lichte der Runeninschriften
und her antiken Historiographie (Berlin, 1974). Critical of sources
like Tacitus. Goodo. Bruford, Allan, âTrolls, Hillfolk, Finns, and Picts: The Identity
of the Good Neighbours in Orkney and Shetlandâ, in The Good People:
New Fairylore Essays, ed. by Peter NarvĂĄez, Garland Reference Library
of the Humanities, 1376 (New York: Garland, 1991), pp. 116â41. 120-21
re selkies; idea that seals are angels who fell into the sea 121. Finn
folk, âa belief brought from Norway ⊠In most Shetland stories it
is clear that seals who also appear in human form are such âNorway
Finnsâ â (121). Pict as trow in folklore as due to learned interference,
thoâ not a comprehensive account 123-4. Brundage, James A., Law, Sex and Christian Society in Medieval Europe
(London, 1987). âLaw and Sex in Early Medieval Europe, Sixth to Eleventh
Centuriesâ focused on Gmc stuff but proves to be rather half-arsed
survey from secondary lit, very little on ASE anyway, etc. (124â75).
You could cite it, generally and for its overall argument that the Church
in this period increasingly determined attitudes to sex and marriage
with connected shame, ideas of adultery, etc., but really itâd be
slightly disingenuous to do so. Also citable as usual half-arsed sort
of survey of laws and penitentials. Bruneton, Jean, Toxic Plants Dangerous to Humans and Animals, trans.
by Caroline K. Hatton (Paris: Lavoisier, 1999); originally published
as Plantes toxiques pour lâHomme et les animaux (XXXX, 1996) *Brush, K. A., âGender and Mortuary Analysis in Pagan Anglo-Saxon
Archaeologyâ, Archaeological Review from Cambridge, 7 (1988), 76â89. *Bryan, Elizabeth J., Collaborative Meaning in Scribal Culture: The
Otho La3amon (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999) *De Bourbon, Ătienne, Anecdotes, ed. A Lecoy de la Marche (Paris
1877), pp. 319-21 re. Walter Map ii.14. Buchan, David, âFolk Tradition and Literature till 1603â, in
Bryght Lanternis: Essays on the Language and Literature of Medieval
and Renaissance Scotland, ed. by J. Derrick McClure and Michael R. G.
Spiller (Aberdeen, 1989), pp. 1-13. âone of the results of this spread
in time is that traditionâwhich is paradoxically always in a state
of self-renewing evolutionâcontains within itself both old and new
elements. To emeplify briefly from one genre: Linda Degh, the Hungarian
folklorist now in America, has shown how the wonder tale genre involves
three âlayersâ of materialâearly pan-animism, medieval feudalism,
and elements from the contemporary life of the tale-tellersâ (5).
Hmm, okay. Might furnish a good ref thoâ re inherited meaning of elf.
âScotland possesses one version of The Corpus Christi Carol, recorded
in the early nineteenth century from james Hoggâs mother. R. L. Greene
in The Early English Carols gives five versions, the A version being
from sixteenth-century England. The type has attracted considerable
speculative attention; Greene himself constructs an ingenious theory
based on the presence of the âfawconâ in the A version burden and
the presence of a falcon in the heraldic badge of Anne Boleyn. In the
classical ballads, however, there is a small group of types which share
basic structural similarities, including the distinctive presence of
marvellous birds or beasts, and a common concern with faith, fidelity
and faithlessness. In these the knight is a secular figure where in
the carol the knight is Christ, but otherwise there exists between this
group and the carol a strong correspondence, both structural and thematic,
which provides a cogent illumination of the carolâ (10). Alas, citing
only an unpublished paper. Looks interesting re Yonec. Buchan, David, âBallads of Otherworld Beingsâ, in The Good People:
New Fairylore Essays, ed. by Peter NarvĂĄez, Garland Reference Library
of the Humanities, 1376 (New York: Garland, 1991), pp. 142â54 (first
publ. in Tod und Jenseits im EuropÀischen Volkslied, ed. by Walter
Puchner (Ioannina: University of Ioannina, 1986), pp. 247â61). âIn
one important particular the balladries of Northern Europe differ from
those elsewhere on the continent; the ballad traditions of the Nordic
countries and Britain, especially Scotland, are distinguished by the
relative prominence of their supernatural ballads. This prominence generally
declined in the anglophone tradition transplanted to North America,
although certain groups of ballads retained a strength in societies
where they continued to fulfil certain socio-cultural functions for
their audiences, such as the revenant ballads in Newfoundland. In British
balladry the supernatural ballads constitute one of the three major
subgenres, one which itself comprises six minigenres, among them the
ballads of Otherworld beings. // Although some versions have been recorded
in North America and one or two in England, this minigenre, as recorded,
is preponderantly Scottish, which serves to underline the specifically
Scottish-Nordic linkage in supernatural balladryâ (142). Looks like
heâs discussing just 9 ballads, but there.âAn examination of the
taleroles of the Otherworld types has led on to an understanding of
the cultural functions of this minigenre. As well as telling a good
story, they convey cultural knowledge through an exposition within narrative
of the Otherworld and the Otherworld beings: their nature, characteristicsm
and practices. Complementarily, they are [149] converned with furnishing
guidance for mortal conduct towards the Otherworld beings. Talerole
analysis illuminates not only function and meaning, but also a related
topic, classification, particularly through the revelation of the two
groups of types within the minigenre. Their differentiation gives a
sharper perspective to the patternings and thematic emphases and enables
one to perceive a central distinction in the cultural messages conveyed:
death, though perhaps a threat, does not result from dealings with land-based
Otherworld beings, but death, for someone, does inevitably result from
dealings with water-based Otherworld beingsâ (148â49). Buchholtz, Peter, âShamanism: The Testimony of Old Icelandic Literary
Traditionâ, Mediaeval Scandinavia, 4 (1971), 7â20. StrömbĂ„ck went
for Lappish origin for seiðr; some dispute at the time (8). âInfluence
of Lapp shamanism on ancient Scandinavian beliefs is thus possible,
but not all shamanistic elements in Old Icelandic literature need go
back to some Lapp influence. At all times there were contacts with other
neighbouring groups, including the pre-Teutonic population of Central
and Southern Scandinavia itselfâ (9). Survey of definitions 9â12.
âMany beings, mainly mythological figures, dwars, gods, kings and
âordinaryâ magicians, are described as good smiths by Old Icelandic
traditionâ (18), cf. 18â19. Refs in German thesis on which this
is based, alas. Hmm. âMany characteristics of the traditions centered
round Vá»lundr the smith are definitely shamanistic [citing Ger. original]
⊠The connection is given by the phenomenology of shamanism: the Germanic
South only preserved the âcraftsmanlikeâ side of the shaman; in
the North we find the special significance of the head, connections
with the world tree and with wisdom-giving meadâ(19). hmm. Basically
pants. ***Buck, R. A., âWomen and Language in the Anglo-Saxon Leechbooksâ,
Women and Language, 23 (2000), 41-50 [SPS only! Free School Lane] Budny, Mildred, âThe Decoration of the Corpus Glossaryâ, in Bischoff-Budny-Harlow-Parkes Bugge, Alexander, âCeltic Tribes in Jutland?: A Celtic Divinity
among the Scandinavian Gods?â, Saga-Book of the Viking Society, 9
(1914â18), 355â71. 368 nerthus as cogn, with Weslth nerth etc. âstrengthââwonder
what more recent folks say? Nerthus and vanir as borrowed from celtic
tribes in Jutland. Actually not implausible by usual standards. BĂŒhler, Curt F., âPrayers and Charms in Certain Middle English
Scrollsâ, Speculum, 39 (1964), 270â78. Of interest: Rotulus Harley
T 11. No gen here but see *Simpson, Journal of the British Archaeological
Association 1892, 50-51. âThis is the mesur of [MS of of] the blessyd
wounde [MS app. woundes] that oure Lord Ihesu Crist had in his right
syde, the whiche an angell brought to Charlamayn, the nobyll emperour
of Constrantyne, wyth-in a cofer of gold, saing this in hys tityll,
that who-so-euer, man or woman, hauyng this mesur on hym shall not be
slayn wyth no swerd [MS sw swerd] nor spere, no no shot shall not hurt
the, nor no man shall not ouercomme hym in batellâŠâ shot line not
in analogues here printed and NB change of person. But not really of
interest actually. BĂŒhnen, Stephan, âPlace Names as an Historical Source: An Introduction
with Examples from Southern Senegambia and Germanyâ, History in Africa:
A Journal of Method, 19 (1992), 45â101. âSo far little use has been
made of place names as a source for African historyâ (45). Comparison
with Germany because European work so far developed ahead of Africa.
âTo this day African historiography has been impeded not only by theoretical
defects such as the tenaciously surviving migrationism, but also be
the late start of research and the very restricted number of researchersâ
(46). Sounds familiar... n. 14 has some early pn sources Bullough, Vern L., Sexual Variance in Society and History (Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, 1976). âTransvestism is also referred
to only rarely in the penitentials. The first such reference apparently
is found in the penitential of Silos, compiled in a monastery of that
same name in the diocese of Burgos in Spain in the ninth century. Transvestism
is not, however, regarded as a sexual act, nor does it seem to have
any sexual connotations. Instead, it seems to be associated with paganism
and witchcraft and is set off in a separate section dealing with dancing:
// Those who in the dance wear womenâs clothes and strangely devise
them and employ jawbones and a bow and a spade and things like these
shall do penance for one yearâ (362, citing McNeill and Gamer 289,
XI). *Bullough, Vern L., âTransvestitism in the Middle Agesâ, in Sexual
Practices and the Medieval Church, ed. by Vern L. Bullough and James
A. Brundage (Buffalo: Prometheus Books, 1982), c. 45 Bullough, Vern L. and Bonnie Bullough, Cross Dressing, Sex, and Gender
(Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993) *Burger, Douglas A. "Tolkien's Elvish Craft and Frodo's Mithril
Coat," in The Scope of the Fantastic: Theory, Technique, Major
s, ed. Robert A. Collins, Howard D. Pearce, and Eric S. Rabin, 255-262.
Westport, CT: Greenwood, 1985. *Burke, Peter, History and Social Theory (Cambridge, 1992) Burke, Peter, Popular Culture in Early Modern Europe, rev. repr.
(Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1994) [NF4 533.1.c.95.292] 81â85 re the
âregressive methodâ, term coined by Bloch, reading ack from when
evidence to is good to when itâs pants. Inevitable and necessary.
âTo avoid misunderstanding, let me say at once what the regressive
method is not. It does not consist of taking descriptions of relatively
recent situations and cheerfully assuming that thye apply equally well
to earlier periods. What I am advocating in a rather more indirect use
of the modern material, to criticise or interpret the documentary sources.
It is particularly useful for suggesting connections between elements
which can themselves be documented for the period being studied, or
for making sense of descriptions which are so allusive or elliptical
that they do not make sense by themselvesâ (83). 85â87 re comparative
methods,both those which assume common origins and those where one is
just a model for another. Burke, Peter, âStrengths and Weaknesses of the History of Mentalitiesâ,
in Varieties of Cultural History (Cambridge: Polity, 1997a), pp. 162â82;
rev. from original publication in History of European Ideas, 7 (1986),
439â51. Burke, Peter, âUnity and Variety in Cultural Historyâ, in Varieties
of Cultural History (Cambridge: Polity, 1997b), pp. 183â212. Burke, Peter, What is Cultural History? (Cambridge: Polity Press,
2004). Re history of memory: âBy contrast there has been much less
research to date on the more elusive but arguably no less important
topic of social or cultural amnesiaâ (65). Hmm. *Burkert, Walter, Greek Religion (Oxford, 1986), 150-1 re nymphs. Burrow, J. A., âElvish Chaucerâ, in The Endless Knot: Essays
on Old and Middle English in Honor of Marie Borrof, ed. by M. Teresa
Tavormina and R. F. Yeager (Cambridge, 1995), pp. 105â11. [NW1 717:5.c.95.118]
Previous glosses 106. ââŠbut perhaps Skeat got even nearer the mark
with his âabsent in demeanourâ, and especially in his note: âelvish,
elf-like, akin to the fairies; alluding to his absent looks and reserved
mannerâŠ. Palsgrave hasââI waxe elvysshe, nat easye to be dealed
with, Ie deuiens mal traictable.â â (106). Consistent with rest
of Chaucerâs self-portrayals. House of Fame, re eagle, âTime and
again the birdâs cascades of friendly and enthusiastic talk are countered
with laconic brevityâ (107). cf. 107-110. 110 Lydgateâs comments
on Chaucer (whose son he knew). Hmm, thatâs about it. Oh well. Burson, Anne, âSwan Maidens and Smiths: A Structural Study of Völundarkviðaâ,
Scandinavian Studies, 55 (1983), 1â19. 1â2 re the neither fish now
fowl nature of poem. Allegedly. âThe utility of the first story as
a means of accounting for Völundâs presence at Ălfdalir has been
noted, as has the effectiveness of the lonely image of Völund waiting
for his wife in underlining the poignancy of his later situationâ
(3, citing Boumanâs article, p. 172 neophil 34 1950). Goes with ring
as continutity between halves of story (3â4). âIn addition, the
ring functions as a sexual symbol which links the women in the two halves
of the poem through [4] their relationships with Völundâ (3â4).
Sees capture a big theme: Völundr as captor-captive-captor (4â5).
Compares Vkv with âGirl as Helper in the Heroâs Flightâ (Type
313) story (the Culhwch type story) 6â8; âAlthough the two narratives
are superficially very different in plot and spirit, there are deeper
structural similaritiesâ (7). Comparison more as subversion: VÂČlundr
needs no help doing the kingâs challenges, but the duaghterâs help
in fulfilling the challenge heâs set for himself (cite also 11â12).
Proppian analysis 8â11. Busse, Peter E. and John T. Koch, 'Verulamion', in Celtic Culture: A Historical Encyclopedia, ed. by John T. Koch (Santa Barbara: ABC-CLIO, 2005). Butler, Gary R., âThe Lutin Tradition in French-Newfoundland Culture:
Discourse and Beliefâ, in The Good People: New Fairylore Essays, ed.
by Peter NarvĂĄez, Garland Reference Library of the Humanities, 1376
(New York: Garland, 1991), pp. 5â21. Buxton, Richard, Imaginary Greece: The Contexts of Mythology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994). Essential for decoding the function of Greek myths in their narrative and historical settings. Buxtonâs engaging book builds on etiological, religious ritual, and structuralist interpretations to gauge the ÂȘ distance and interplayÂș between the realities of Greek life and imaginary situations in legend and myth. 80â113 re Landscape. No specific point of use, alas, but handy as showing what can be done and what problems you get. âAssessing ancient Greek perceptions of the landscape is not without
its difficulties. The island Rhodianâs attitude towards the sea will
not have coincided with that of the landlocked Arkadian; folk dwelling
in the mountain fastnesses of Taygetos will have had a different [81]
perspective from that of Tessalian plainsmen; and of course we cannot
assume that all Rhodians and all Thessalians thought alike. More fundamentally,
the way the environment impinges on a given individual is not simply
a question of that individualâs passively absorbing what is âthereâ.
Hman beings create an image of their surroundings thoruhg their interaction
with them, so that perception of a landscape is inevitably mediated
by cultural factors. Thus our enquiry into the real-life aspect of the
landscape must involve, in addition to a review of what people did,
some sense of what they perceived themselves to be doing; indeed it
isimpossible to give a meaningful account of the former without the
latterâ (80â81). ââŠwe may still make some provisional generalisations
about our hypothetical myth/life distinction: (1) Myths rework, pare
down, clarify and exaggerate experience; to say that they âreflectâ
experience is quite inadequate. (2) Clarification is not only not incompatible
with ambiguity, but can actually bring it into sharper relief (cf. mountain
âluckâ). (3) Perceptions reworked in mythology feed back into ordinary
life, even if the way in which this happens can be hard to specify.
(4) In ritual, behaviour is articulated through symbols with a comparable
selectivity to that found in myths. The two symbolic languages contrast
with and complement each other. (5) Overwhelmingly, our evidence, both
mythological and non-mythological, bears the stamp of the city or village.
Mountains are unsettling, for those in settlements; they are to be viewed
from afar, visited only to be left again. To this extent, at least,
the structuralists are right: we should investigate contrasts between
the symbolic terms deployed in myths. The oros needs to be seen in the
light of that which is not the oros. (6) Useful as oppositional analysis
may be, it must not be allowed to override the nuances of individual
texts. Greek mythology speaks with an astonishing range of voices; reductivism
is the surest way of muffling themâ (96). âBut this much is clear:
the landscape of mythological narrative is formed from elements which,
while they growout of the practices and perceptions of ordinarylife,
acquire strongly differentiated and conceptually potent symbolic traitsâ
(113). Bynum, Caroline Walker, âWomenâs Stories, Womenâs Symbols:
A Critique of Victor Turnerâs Theory of Liminalityâ, in Anthropology
and the Study of Religion, ed. by Robert L. Moore and Frank E. Reynolds
(Chicago, IllinoisXXXX: Centre for the Scientific Study of Religion,
1984), pp. 105â25. Cited by Rampton in interesting argument that men
construct liminality with gender transgression but not women. [1:3.c.95.443] Bynum, W. F., and Roy Porter (eds), Companion Encyclopedia of the
History of Medicine, 2 vols (London, 1993) C *Cahen, M., Ătudes sur le vocabulaire religieux du vieux-Scandinave:
la libation, Collection linguistique Publiée par la Société de Linguistique
de Paris, 9 (Paris, 1921) (a) *Cahen, M., Le mot âdieuxâ en vieux-scandinave, Collection linguistique
Publiée par la Société de Linguistique de Paris, 10 (Paris, 1921)
(b) *Cahen, M., âLâadjectif âdivinâ en germaniqueâ, MĂ©langes
offerts à M. Charles Andler par ses amis et ses élÚves, Publications
de la FacultĂ© des Lettres de lâUniversitĂ© de Strasbourg, 21(Strasbourg,
1924), pp. 79â107. Caie, Graham D., âInfanticide in an Eleventh-Century Old English
Homilyâ, Notes and Queries, n.s. 45 (1998), 275â76. Homilist of
late C11 Oxford, Bodleian Hatton 113, ff. 66â73, Her is halwendlic
lar and ðearflic lĂŠwendum mannum, ĂŸe ĂŸĂŠt lĂŠden ne cunnon has a
chunk which is a reasonably faithful trans of Bedeâs De die iudicii,
to which cf. the trans of DJ II 135â40 (275). But this text adds one
example of what in JD is âoĂŸĂŸe mannes hand manes gefremede / on
ĂŸystrum scrĂŠfum ĂŸinga on eorðanâ: ĂŸĂŠr swutelað ĂŠlc cild hwa
hit formyrðrode (âThere every child will reveal who murdered itâ).
Could be abortion or infanticide (276). Adds a few notes on comparatively
light penances and acceptance of this widely in med. europe esp. Iceland
based on Boswell 1988. âThis addition in the homily, then, provides
a glimpse into the everyday life of the parish and the priestâs immediate
concerns. The homilist must have been sufficiently worried by the numbers
of abortions or infanticides to make it the only addition to his source.
These were sins difficult to detect, but nothing could be a more powerful
and shocking deterrent than the thought of the child reappearing as
accuser at Doomsdayâ (276). Cairns, Francis. âOrality, Writing and Reoralisation: Some Departures
and Arrivals in Homer and Apollonius Rhodiusâ, in New Methods in the
Research of Epic/Neue Methoden der Epenforschung, ed. by Hildegard L.
C. Tristram, ScriptOralia, 107 (TĂŒbingen: Narr, 1998), pp. 63â84.
Reviews: R. Whitaker, Scholia Reviews 9, 2000. (Re)Oralisierung (Editor
Hildegard L C Tristram), Gunter Narr Verlag, TĂŒbingen (1996) 335-360
ISBN 3-8233-4574-5.) But used in my sense by journal.oraltradition.org *Caro Baroja, Julio Nimeke: Die Hexen und ihre Welt / Julio Caro Baroja ; [aus dem Spanischen uÌbersetzt von Susanne und Benno HuÌbner] ; mit einer EinfuÌhrung und einem ergĂ€nzenden Kapitel von Will-Erich Peuckert Aineisto: Kirja Julkaistu: Stuttgart : E. Klett, 1967 Kirjasto: Teologisen tiedekunnan kirjasto, laina-aika 28/84 vrk Sijainti: Ht Varasto Kg CARO BAROJA pp. 40â92 for early medieval witchcraft. =Caro Baroja, Julio. Title: The
world of the witches / Julio Caro Baroja ; translated from the Spanish
by Nigel Glendinning. Other Entries: Glendinning, Nigel, 1929- Published:
London : Phoenix, 2001. Calder, Daniel G., âGuthlac A and Guthlac B: Some Discriminationsâ,
in Anglo-Saxon Poetry: Essays in Apprecition for John C McGalliard,
ed. by Lewis E. Nicholson and Dolores Warwick Frese (South Bend Ind.:
Notre Dame University Press 1975), pp. 65-80 [eng E171 MACGA; 717:5.c.95.34] Calder, George (ed.), Auraicept na n-Ă©ces: The Scholarsâ Primer
(Edinburgh, 1917) *Calhoun, C., Social Theory and the Politics of Identity (1994).
Looks like it contains useful essays as bâground for my stuff. *Calhounâ Maryâ âTracking down Elves in Folkloreââ Horn
Book Magazineâ 45 (1969)â 278-82. *CaluwĂ©, âLâĂ©lĂ©ment chrĂ©tien dans les Lais de Marie de Franceâ,
Mélanges de littérature du moyen ùge au XXe siÚcle offerts à Mademoiselle
Jeanne Lods, 2 vols (Paris, 1978), i 95â114. reckons religion importnant
in Yonec and has some correlation with degree of amorality. Cameron, Kenneth, The Place-Names of Derbyshire, English Place-Name
Society, 27â29 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959). Continuously
paginated. Vol 1, 160 re Peak Forest parish gives âEldon Hill, Elvedon
1285 For, âelvesâ hillâ, v. elf, dĆ«n. Eldon Hole, Elden Hole
1577 Saxton, one of the wonders of the Peak in Cottonâ Yep, thatâs
it! *Cameron, K., âEccles in English Place-Namesâ, in Christianity
in Britain 300â700, ed. by M. W. Barley and R. P. C. Hanson (Leicester,
1968), 87â92. *Cameron, Kenneth, English Place-Names, new edn (London: Batsford,
1996). (ânew editionâ on title page; styleXXXX). 122 reckons Elveden
is from elf not elfetu. âMost of the English names considered so far
must have been formed during the pagan period. On the other hand, there
are some names which reflect a popular mythology, a belief in the supernatural
world of dragons, elves, goblins, demons, giants, dwarfs, and monsters.
Such creations of the popular imagination lived on long after the introduction
of Christianity and traces of these beliefs still exist today, but we
really have no idea when the place-names referring to them were givenâ
(122). ââŠelf is fairly frequent in minor names, in assocation with
a hill in Eldon Hill (Db) and with valleys in ALden (La) and Elvedon
(Sf)â (122). âFinally, though modern witch does not seem to occur
in old place-names, OE hĂŠtse, a word with the same meaning, is found
in Hascombe (Sr) and Hescombe (S0) âvalleyâ, and perhaps also with
reference to a valley in Hassop (Db) and to a ford in Hessenford (Co)â
(123). Cameron, M. L., âThe Sources of Medical Knowledge in Anglo-Saxon
Englandâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 11 (1983a), 135-55. Possibly useful
surevy of late antique/early medieval medicial sources, pp. 137-43.
Article good for context generally. Cameron, M. L., âBaldâs Leechbook: Its Sources and their Use
in its Compilationâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 12 (1983b), 153-82. Very
boring. âOur examination of the Leechbook has enabled us to find out
something about the conditions under which an Anglo-Saxon physician
active c. 900 worked. He had access to medical works in English âŠ
and to much of the post-classical Latin medical literature (which included
translations and epitomes of Greek and Byzantine medical authorities).
He was not limited to a purely native pharmocopoeia, but could draw
on a wide selection of non-perishable exotic ingredients ⊠He appears
to have been acquainted with a wide range of medical practise as well
as with its literature ⊠That his approach to medicine was predominantly
rational is shown by the relatively few charms in the Leechbook.â
(177). Cameron, M. K., âAldhelm as Naturalist: A Re-Examination of some of his Enigmataâ, Peritia, 4 (1985), 117â33. 48 of the 100 Enigm re plants and animals (117). âHe [118] tended to avoid incredible or fabulous materials (except when dealing with mythological subjects) and to report first-hand observations with remarkable accuracy. It is for this ability to observe and to report natural phenomena that he should be of interest to natural historians today. His occasional use of clues drawn from the materia medica is equally of interest to medical historians. So little of natural and medical science has reached us from England in his time that any opportunity to glimpse the mind of an intelligent English observer of the seventh century should not be missedâ (118). Includes Pitmanâs trans. of enigs. for those discussed. Elleborus is: âLo, a bearer of purple, I grow again (in Spring) with hairy twigs in the countryside similar to the shellfish (conch, whelk): so by the ruddy murex (colour) of my berry a purple blood distills in drops from my branch (twig, vine-shoot). I do not wish to take away from the one eating me the slough (cast-off coverings) of life nor will my mild poisons wholly despoil his mind; but yet a madness of the heart vexes the insane (unwell) one, while (until) he turns his limbs in a circle frenzied (delerious) with vertigo (dizzyness).â (131). Hey, NB OE weden heort!! weden not in Lacn and 2 in Leechb. once in assoc with ĂŠlfĂŸone one with alfsiden all with deofulseoc. A normal Latin usage? Also cf. Furiarum hĂŠgtessa wedenheotra synna. ClGl 1 (Stryker) D8.1 Furiarum wedenheotra synna hĂŠgtessa ClGl 1 (Stryker) D8.1 âThis enigma shows more than most Aldhelmâs fondness for âhispericâ
vocabulary and extravagent word-play; the very first word is an example.
Consequently, words here seem often to bear more than one connotation;
Aldhelm seems to be trying to convey more than one idea at once. I have
out in parentheses alternate meanings of the Latin where I have guessed
this to be soâ (131). Hellebore not the solution if itâs to mean
Helleborus and Veratrum âPtiman accepted âhelleboreâ as the solution.
But it is impossible, if by âhelleboreâ is meant those species of
Helleborus and Veratrum which were the helebores of Dioscorides, Pliny
and apparently Isidore, and are the hellebores of today. None of these
plants has berries, red or otherwise; the fruits are dry follicles or
capsulesâ (131). Erhardt-Siebold goes for Daphne mezereum but heâs
not happy with that either (131). NB poedberge in Erf., woediberge or
somesuch in Corpus glossing helleborusXXXX Checked Lacn and Leech wede,
wedi woed SPACE+wod, got nothing apart from weden heort. Odd, âcos
CH-M cites LCD as well as GL. Lines 1-3 physical characterisitcs, 4-7
medicinal (131). Purple like shellfish dye, or spiralling like a conch
shell? (131-2). âIt affects the heart, causing a dementia (foolishness,
aberration); this may refer metaphorically to aberration of those mental
qualities supposed to reside in the heartâ; or actual heart behaving
oddy (132). Insanum âmadâ but also in-sanum ânot wellâ. Why
itâs not mezeron 132. âAldhelmâs description of the effects of
ingestion are strikingly similar to those reported after ingestion of
the seeds of Datura, a member of the Family Solanaceae: âHe found
her to have tachycardia [âswift-heart-iaâ], widely dilated pupils,
and that she was delerious, weak and unable to walk⊠The child was
extremely excited, almost to the point of acute mania, with rapid continuous
purposeless limb movements, at times muttering and at times exhibiting
screaming deleriumâ. These symptoms are typical of poisoning by atropine
and related alkaloidsâ (132). Citing K. F. Lampe and R. Fagerström,
Plant Toxicity and Dermatitis (Baltimore 1968), 120. British Solanaceae:
henbane, deadly nightshade, black nightshade, woody nightshade being
most likely. Only woody has red berries: Solanum dulcamara (132). Physical
features good (132). âIt has long been used in herbal medicine. Its
chief agent is solanine, but [133] there may also be traces of atropine
and other related alkaloids present which may contribute to the effects
after ingestion. Because of all these correlations with Aldhelmâs
description, I am certain that he was describing a Solanaceous plant,
and willing to accept that plant as being the woody nightshade, Solanum
dulcamaraâ (132-33). âIts chief agent is solanine, but [133] there
may also be traces or atropine and other related alkaloids present which
may contribute to the effects after ingestionâ (132-33). Cites Grieve,
A Modern Herbal, ii 589-90 on medicinal uses. Cameron, M. L., âAnglo-Saxon Magic and Medicineâ, Anglo-Saxon
England, 17 (1988), 191-215. Nice intro paragraph demanding the consideration
of medical texts as medical texts (191). Historiographical slam on folks,
apart from Payne who was right all along. Fun. (191-4). *Cameron ASE 1990 Cameron in 1992 collection XXXX Cameron, M. L., Anglo-Saxon Medicine, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England, 7 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993). âBut before 1100 north of the Alps only one culture has left us anything of its own; uniquely among Northern Europeans the Anglo-Saxons appear from early times to have written medical texts in their own language as well as in Latinâ (1). How scholars have underrated AS medicine 2-4, citing Payne 38-9. âIn contrast to the neglect of rational medical components of Anglo-Saxon medicine, its magical component has received much attention, and important work has been done on it, so that a one-sided picture has emergedâ (4). Translates dweorg as âfeverâ (10). Chapter 2 shos that most treatments are pantsâhis point is just that A-Ss no worse than anyone else I spose. âSome remedies which appear superficially to contain magic or superstitious elements will be found on closer examination to be quite rationalâ (38), thus singing paternosters as way of measuring time, not inherently relevant (38-9). Interesting thoâ hard to believe itâs the whole story. âIt must not be thought that native Anglo-Saxon medicine was chiefly magical; most of the remedies in Leechbook III are rationally conceived, whether or not the treatments they recommend would be of any benefit to the patientâ (39). Re some of the more ill-conceived ones, 39-40. âSo many remedies end with he biĂŸ sona hal, him bið sona sel or words to the same effect, that one suspects them to be a sort of conventional closing rather than a firm assurance of the efficacy of the medicineâ (40). âConcering ĂŠlfsogoĂŸa (an unknown ailment; Geldner suggested elf-sucked, that is anaemic [cited by Thun, 388]) this advice is given:â (41). âFinally, there is a description of the appearance of one having the wĂŠterĂŠlfadl (âchicken-poxâ, or perhaps âmeaslesâ)â (41). All re Leechbook III. âThere is reason to think that Leechbook III comes closest to being a collection of native medicines, its background being mostly in the northern traditions for which sources do not exist, it itself being the oldest survivor of its kind. As we saw in ch. 6, most of its analogues with the Latin tradition are found in the Herbarium and in Marcellus, amounting to less than one third of the total number of entriesâ (75). âMost of the remedies in Leechbook III are not found in the medical literature in Latin and may be presumed to be of native origin, and some of those which have analogues in the Latin literature are sufficiently different to indicate that they may not have been borrowed and can be presumed to be of native originâ (77). Interesting point. Cf. 75-6. Identifies ĂŠlfĂŸone with woody nightshade after Thun but with medical ev. added (110-11). âIn Old English medicine ĂŠlfĂŸone was prescribed in nine recipies; three are for ĂŠlfadl, which seems to have been an eruptive skin condidtion, two for micel lic, which we have seen may have been also some kind of ailment affecting the skin, one was a leoht drenc (âlight drinkâ, âtonicâ), one a fomentation for lyftadl (âparalysisâ), one a drink against deofol (probably [111] some form of mental affliction) and one a drink against weden herote (probably âmadnessâ). A modern herbal has this to say about the medicinal properties of woody nightshade: âIts action is alterative, and it particularly affects all the organs of the senses. It is very helpful in skin diseases and rheumatism and in bringing relief to paralyzed limsâ. This description of its uses is found in other recent herbals and is in remarkably close agreement with Anglo-Saxon usage. If Thunâs analysis of the meaning of the name is correct, ĂŠlfĂŸone is a vine. Of the group of solanaceous plants considered here, only woody nightshade is a vine. This agreement between semantic and medicinal analyses giv strong support to the inference that OE ĂŠlfĂŸone and woody nightshade are the same plantâ (110-111). 111-112 re problem of working out what A-Ss mean by hellebore; glossed wedeberge and ĂŸung (âpoisonous plantâ); Helleborus and Veratrum donât have berries thoâ. Talks re Aldhelm but doesnât push anything (still with the woody nighthade line thoâ ï). âIf we rephrase our question more specifically: âDid ancient and medieval physicians use ingredients and methods which were likely to have had beneficial effects on the patients whose ailments the treated?â, then I think the answer is âYes, and their prescriptions were about as good as anything prescribed before the mid-twentieth centuryâ (117). The theme of chapter 12, pp. 117-29. Nice e.g. of Storms taking a remedy as magical because he doesnât know the science of it! 121-2, also one on 122-3. ââŠplantain was invoked in the Old English Nine Herbs Charm in terms which seem to imply some knowledge of its antibacterial properties: âSo may you withstand venom and infection, and the loathsome thing which roams through the landâ, where the reference seems to be t what we would now call bacterial infections. Recent work has shown that the plantains contain aucubin, a potent antibiotic, in all their parts, especially plentiful in Plantago major (the common broad-leaved plantain), [bla bla]â (123). Re lichens, âThat the recipies specified the sources from which they were to be gathered may not be a result of superstitious beliefs; lichens are neither easy to describ clearly nor to identify accurately and may have been identified for medicinal purposes by the substrates on which they grewâ (125). ââŠmagic remedies were most commonly prescribed for conditions which were intractable to rational treatments; this implies that they were resorted to for conditions where rational remedies had proved ineffectiveâ (130). âWe must guard against finding magical connotations in remedies which to their users were not thought to be magicalâ (131). âCockayne identified rud molin [re. II, 342] as water pepper (Polygonum hydropiper), on the assumption that the name was an error for rudniolin (âred stalkâ), an Old Norse plant name quite suitable for the water plant described in the remedy, and because water pepper has the dialectal name âredshanksâ in English ⊠If Cockayne was right in his identification, then the compiler (or scribe) of the Leechbook or some predecessor was not familiar with the name and misspelled it. This implies that this amulet was not of native English origin, but was borrowed from the Scandinaviansâ (132). âFennel (finul) is most probably native, and was a common ingredient of Anglo-Saxon remedies under the name finul (finol) which, although of Latin origin, appears to have been thoroughly naturalized quite earlyâ (147). Re II, 112, wið fleogendum atre 7 ĂŠlcum ĂŠternum swile âfor which the incantation (which must have been almost pure gibberish to its reciters) is said to be Scottish (i.e. Irish) and in which some Irish words are still recognizableâ (149âciting Cockayne; cf. now Meroney). Irish source for the âflying poisonâ infection concept? (150). âDweorh has almost always been translated as âdwarfâ, which may be its primitive meaning, but there is ample evidence in other Old English medical texts that it also means âfeverâ, apparently delerium accompanied by delirium or convulsive seizuresâ (152). Pennyroyal dweorgedwostle (153). An interesting alternative slant on how we understand the use of these wordsârather like the way Virgil perceives classical gods? Also the way, say, Ephesians 6:16 works etc.âitâs clear to all that this ainât a real arrow, breastplate, etc., for all that it gets developed in rather extreme ways. GOOD STUFF IN ch. 13âPHOTOCOPY? âIn another set of magical remedies we will see that ĂŠlfadl (âelf-sicknessâ)
is most probably chicken-pox, and in others its is some other eruption
on the skinâ (142). Discusses waterelfadl 154-5. âDifficult questions
are raised by the charm; what is wĂŠterĂŠlfadl, and what does the word
eare mean? It is not clear whether wĂŠterĂŠlfadl should be read as wĂŠterĂŠlf-adl
(âdisease caused by a water-elfâ) or as wĂŠter-ĂŠlfadl (âwatery
elf-diseaseâ). Some commentators have assumed a water-elf ⊠blaâŠ
On the other hand, the preceding chapter of Leechbook III deals at some
length with ĂŠlfadl which, for reasons already given [where?! I canât
find âem], appears to have designated cutaneous eruptions of various
kinds; wĂŠter-ĂŠlfadl would ten be a form of ĂŠlfald, a skin ailment
having a watery manifestation. Storms suggests chicken-pox, not unreasonably,
as it is consistent with the symptoms given ⊠Another possibility
is measles, in which also the eyes are very sensitive to lightâ (155).
Nice analysis of text follows. Campbell, A., Old English Grammar (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
1959). Campbell, Alistair, An Anglo-Saxon Dictionary: Enlarged Addenda and
Corrigenda (Oxford, 1972). Campbell, J., âBedeâs Words for Placesâ, in Names, Words, and Graves: Early Medieval Settlement. Lectures Delivered in the University of Leeds, May 1978, ed. by P. H. Sawyer (Leeds: The School of History, University of Leeds, 1979), pp. 34â54. Excludes from consideration passages quoted by Bede (34). Uses HE, Life of Cuthbert and Lives of the Abbots. Usually uses civitas of places which were important under Romans. Main exceptions are Alcluith and Bamburgh, both usually urbs (34â35). Just Romans tooâseveral episcopal seats thus as not civitates (35). Locus seems generally to be exclusive of civitas (35). Use of civitas and urbs maps quite well onto caestir and burg (35), and Bede probably to some extent uses the Latin terms as transs of the OE, but not always (35â37). âIt seems that there was a significant difference between civitas and urbs for Bede. One was a Roman place (?significant, ?fortified), the other a fortified place, not of Roman origin. It is true that he was probably often dependent on what a veracular name told him about the nature of a place. But it appears likely that he was right in taking it that the vernacular distinction between caestir and burg was not one without a differenceâ (37). THough he wriggles a bit on the exceptions (London and Cantberbury as urbes, Bamburgh and Alcluith as civitates). OE translation follows Bede pretty much as youâd expect; has some trouble with Canterbury (38). Bede only uses oppidum, castellum and castrum when quoting from elsewhere (38). Except for oppido municipio where Osric is killed by Cadwallon, a list of places visited by Chad and use of oppidum re Utrecht. All makred also by combination with other unusual place-words; C concludes that Bedeâs using written sources here, perhaps letters (38â39). Evasion of full range of available vocab strengthens the case for a clear and specific usage of urbs and civitas. Reckons Stephanus following a different patter, less influenced by the vernacular than Bede (39). Bâs usgae fairly well paralleled in charters thogh, esp. signatories to Clofaesho (39â41). From this âIt seems that there was a real disinction drawn between Roman and non-Roman placesâ in early England (41). Adds that names in -burg rarely given âto Roman places of significance, notwithstanding their fortificationsâ (41). Though not totally absolute, naturally (42). Emphs that although praefectus usually trans. âreeve/gerefaâ it could dentoe well import people tooâthe guy at Dunbar in Stephanus could be a âsub-kingâ rather than a âreeveâ (42). Usual terms for less important places are vicus and villa, app. synonyms, along with less frequent but still common viculus (43). Picking up on earlier work, argues that Bedeâs flexible use of villa and vicus, which are well distinct in Frankish material, fits in with early English landholding: âThis is probably because the property and rights of the great were not concentrated in villa estates in the Continental sense, but were focused on central places which were often also cetnres of population. An English villa regia was not a great estate in the sense of a discrete block of land owned and exploited in special ways. Rather was it [sic!] the centre of a fairly wide area all or most of whose people owed something to it. If, as may well have been, there was lands within such an area which were particularly bound to and exploited from it,they probably formed a kind of archipelago. There would have been no point in trying to decide whether the central place of suchh a complex was more appropriately termed villa or vicus. // It is probably that many of the villae and vici to which Bede refers were not just villages, but central places of this kindâ (44). 8 such names royal places and one of a comes. âIt is likely that the vici and villae of which we read in the accounts of the lives of holy bishops were often royal even when we are not told so. Paulinus seems to have worked from royal vills (OH,pp. 114â15). Aidan also based himself âin aliis villis regisâ apart from that at which he died (OH, pp. 159â60). Although we have no such specific information about Cuthbert and Wilfrid it is likely that they, similarly, based themselves on royal vills. If so it was probably at such that they [45] wrought their wonders. So, on occasion villa or vicus in the hagiographical sources may have a more specific meaning that [sic] is immediately clear from the contextâ (44â45). Terms rare in early charters, again suggesting that theyâre notthe kinds of places you just give away (45). âIt is likely that at least some of the âmultipleâ estates which later appear as archipelagos of properties dependent on a particular centre represent what was left of such a block after numerous gifts of single settlements of the kind familiar in the charters had been made. Such grants of single places or of groups less than the whole set depending on a royal vill are those most frequently met withâ (46). âIt looks af if sometimes, as at Farnham, the name of a place was extended to an area; but also as if, sometimes, the name of an area became attached to its central place. The latter is suggested by the English place-names which seem to have originated as area names, for example, Leeds, Lyminge, Ely, and some of these when they appear in early sources are explicitly applied to a regio: for example, Cuningham, Dent, Yeading [sic]â (48). Reckons this goes for all those place-names in in like Inundalum (Oundle, which he emphs is described as a provincia by Stephanus), In Getlingum etc. (48). âThus the places met in tun in the Chronicle could be royal vills, not so much because royal vills were particularly likely to have names in tun as because the Chronicle was particularly likely to give the names of royal vills; events tended to happen at sich places and the Chronicle is concerned with eventsâ (49). I love his use of events! Classic. Whole article is preoccupied with finding royal sites in fact. What a Historian! But after some musing (which seems to take early Chronicle entries to use language contemporary with the event they describe, despite a half-caveat p. 50 n. 20âhmm...) he says âI do not seek to maintain that tun does not, in place-names, mean all the things which experts say it means. But it does look as if an important meaning, and an early meaning, was âroyal villâ. Place-name studies seem in the past to have proceeded on a tacit assumption that the early history of England is laregly one of the progress of settlement and have not always given attention to the possible relations between the names of places and their functions within structures of authorityâ (50). Fair pointâquotable. *Campbell, J., 'The Debt of the Early English Church to Ireland', in Irland und die Christenheit ed. P. NĂ ChathĂĄin and M. Richter (1987), 332-46. *Campbell, John Francis, Popular Tales of the West Highlands, 2 vols (1850â1, repr. Edinburgh 1994)XXXXstyle. i, 49 allegedly has âfairies who shoot stone arrowsâ. *Campbell, M., The Witness and the OtherâŠXXXX (1988) Campbell, S. D., B. Hall and D. Klausner (eds), Health, Disease and
Healing in Medieval Culture (New York, 1992). Cantor, Geoffrey, 'Charles Singer and the Early Years of the British Society for the History of Science', British Journal for/ofXXXXX the History of Science, 30 (1997), 5-23, doi: XXXXX. Re Singer's Jewish background--goes for liberal Judaism; not 'practising' (7-8); probably agnostic (14); 'he insisted that some vital principle exists in each of us that is not reducible to matter' (8). 9-14 major role in helping Jews oppressed, esp. in/fleeing Nazi Germany. 'This view of science as continually emergent and progressive informs much of Singerâs historical writings. Although he explicitly distanced himself from positivism, Singerâs historiography â like that of his close friend Sarton â bears many of the hallmarks of Comtean positivism. Most importantly, he believed that positive scientific knowledge would replace earlier religious forms of understanding' (14); also since science is universal, it's international. Heavily into C19 positivism, passim. 'The kind of history of science practised by Singer and Sarton has long ceased to be at the cutting edge of our subject ; indeed, so many of their writings now seem distinctly passeT and are rarely cited by scholars. Equally outmoded is Singerâs vision of science and its history providing the impetus for a new humanism. In a strong sense his understanding of humanism looked back in time â not forwards. Singerâs horizons were set by a historical understanding of European culture predating the Second World War, in which America played but a peripheral role' (22). *Capelli, C. et al., âA Y Chromosome Census of the British Islesâ,
Current Biology, 13 (2003), 979â84. Carey, John, 'The Name "Tuatha De' Danann" ', /E'igse/,
18 (1980-81), 291-94. 'In 1900 Ludwig-Christian Stern briefly discussed
the name /Tuatha De' Danann/ ... He pointed out that the earliest text
mentioning the /tri dee Danann/ with whom it is always associated in
fact refers to them as the /tri dee da'na/ ('three gods of skill').
/Danann/ he took to be mistakenly derived from /da'na/, influenced in
form by the name of a mother-goddess for whom there are early attestations:
/Anu/, gen. /Anann/' (291). Largely ignored (291)--everone has other
ideas 291-2. 'Stern's argument for the late appearance and essentially
artificial character of the figure known in Irish texts as /Danann/
or /Donann/ seems to me valid and compelling ... I have been unable
to find any convincing traces of the name prior to the poems in /Lebor
Gaba'la/' (292). Stern reckons that apart from the textual confusion,
there's motive to differntiate Tuatha De' Danann from Tuatha De'=Isaraelites
(293). But Da'na and Anu and Donann (1st attested form) not that close
(293-4). Carey suggests analogy with Domann, in place-names and Fir
Domann 'are one of the anomalous tribal groups alluded to in /Lebor
Gaba'la/ and the sagas' (294). Some other considerations, like Indech
mac De' Domnann, k. of Fomoire; '/Cath Maige Tured/ speaks with suggestive
carelessness of the /Tuath nDea Domnonn/ and /Indech mac Dei Donann/'
(294). 'I suggest, then, that Eochaid ua Flainn or one of his predecsessors,
seeking to make the designation /Tuatha De'/ less ambiguous, was struck
by the name of the /Tuath Do(m)nann/ (or */Tuath De' Do(m)nann/?) [sic
re punct] Given such an exemplar, the phrase /tri dee da'na/ could easily
be reinterpreted as /tri dee Donann/, and the genitive /Anann/ viewed
as a doublet of /Donann/: both confusions are as we have seen apparent
in the texts of /Lebor Gaba'la/. /Donann/, according to this hypothesis,
could have absorbed the connotations of the older forms' (294). Carey, John, âThe âOtherworldâ in Irish Traditionâ, Ăigse, 19 (1982), 36â43, repr. in The Otherworld Voyage in Early Irish Literature: An Anthology of Criticism, ed. by Jonathan M. Wooding (Dublin, 2000), pp. 113â19. I agree with Muhr that Carey 1982 overstates things re otherworld being over the seaâhe omits Procopiusâs evidence, no? NB La3amonâs sea-crossing thing looks very Irish with Arganteâwhence is this? Maybe check the whole Nimue thing too? Geoffrey has weird lake ix.6â7, penguin trans 219â20; 261 ie. xi.2 Arthur goes to Avalon; NB smith and his wife from the lake in Branwen; Check Edwards XXXX. So maybe you can make a Welsh influence argument here too? This theme certainly gets a life of its own later and may be reflected in other texts cited re Wade too XXXX Carey, John, âThe Location of the Otherworld
in Irish Traditionâ, Ăigse, 19 (1982â83), 36-43 (repr. in The Otherworld
Voyage in Early Irish Literature: An Anthology of Criticism, ed. by
Jonathan M. Wooding (Dublin, 2000), pp. 113-19). Arguably no early ev.
for otherworld over the dea, rahter than under lakes or mountains (113).
Is this right? Immrama business arguably from eccl. practice and lit
of the time and not therefore trad (113). But echtrae older. âEarly
accounts of mortal visits to Otherworld places are fairly plentiful
⊠Otherworld beings are depicted as living within hills, beneath lakes
or the sea, or on islands in lakes or off the [117] coast; there are
also tales of halls chanced upon in the night, which vanish with the
coming of dayâ (116-17). But short of over-the-sea jobs. Book of Taliesin
has 3 poems hints that Annwfyn is over sea, thoâ Kaer Sidi âprobablyâ
< sĂd (118-19): âApart from the great ambiguity attaching to this
material, it cannot be taken as representing an uncontaminated native
traditionâ (119). âOutside the immrama, then, and the two closely
linked tales Immram Brain and Echtrae Conlae, the early sources give
us no grounds for postulating belief in an overseas Otherworld; nor
does there appear to be satisfactory evidence for such a belief in either
contemporary Irish folklore or the traditions of Walesâ Such a vacuum
is clearly significant⊠It seems reasonable to suggest, in the light
of the age and popularity of Immram Brain and Echtrae Conlae, that it
is they and the Ulster literary movement which produced them which introduced
this topos into Irish literature; that it was foreign to the native
tradition at every stage appears evidentâ (119). How does Carey fit
The Adventure of Conle into this? Also the tradition of crossing water
to the otherworld is massive, no? Cf. Styx etc.? Thoâ NB not in Pwyll. Carey, John Price, âLebar GabĂĄla: Recension Iâ (Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, Harvard University, 1983). âThe second account ⊠resembles the Frankish and British origin-legends in that it deals with the protracted wanderings of a heroic ancestor, but begins with the exodus of the Israelites rather than the fall of Troy. The forefathers of the Gaels wander for forty-two years through the deserts of northern Africa before travelling to Spain and thence to Ireland: here too a parallel with the Biblical search for the Promised Land is presumably intendedâ (16). âLet us turn now from stories of the Gaels, so that we may speak of the seven peoples that took Ireland before them. Cesair daughter of Bith son of Noah took it, forty days before the Flood. PartholĂłn son of Sera, three hundred years after the Flood. Nemed son of Agnoman, of the Greeks of Scythia, at the end of thirty years after PaartholĂłn. The Fir Bolg after that. The fir Domnann after that. The GaileĂłin after that. The Tuatha DĂ© Donann after thatâ (250). âTuatha DĂ© Donann iar sainâ (96/l. 426). âIar sain tĂĄncatar Tuath DĂ© / ina caĂpaib ciach cain; / co âmotormalt dam sa friu / ciarbo saegul cianâ (98/ll. 456-9); âAfter that came the Tuath DĂ© / in their ships of dark clouds, / so that I shared food with them, / however remote the timeâ (252). 256-7 says of TuĂĄn son of Starn who survives alone a plague and lives thru all the takings, as in ScĂ©l TuĂĄin Meic Chairill. NB âO dear Christ of the fair skinâ (275); âA ChrĂst caĂn co caeme chnissâ (120/l.929) Tuatha DĂ© turn up pp. 278-79, 282-3 (poems). âProgeny of Nemedâ and vrr. Work out how that all fits. Family tree? Cf. âFrom the stock of Magog son of Japhet come the peoples who reached Ireland before the Gaels, that is, PartholĂłn son of Sera son of SrĂș son of EsrĂș son of [234]Brainind son of Fattecht son of Magog son of Japhet; and Nemed son of Agnoman son of Paimp son of Tait son of SrĂș son of EsrĂș; and the descendants of Nemed, that is the GĂĄileĂłin and the Fir Domnann and the Fir Bolg and the Tuatha DĂ© Donannâ (233-4). Nemed hits the scene 262. What gives? âThe offspring of Bethach son of IarbonĂ©l FĂĄid son of Nemed were in the northern islands of the world, studying druidism and knowledge and sorcery and witchcraft, until they were pre-eminent in the arts of the heathen sages. Those are the Tuatha DĂ© Donann who came to Irelandâ (285); âBĂĄtar iarum clanda Bethaig meic IarbonĂ©oil FĂĄda meic Nemid i n-insib tuascertachaib in domain oc foglaim druĂdechta 7 fessa 7 fithnaisechta 7 amainsechta, combtar fortaile for cerddib suĂthe gentliuchta. Combtar iat Tuatha DĂ© Donann tĂĄncatar HĂ©rindâ (129/ll. 1130-35). Show influence of Xian knowledge of heathens to the North? Prose account to 289 and further interesting poetry thence: âit was not known under starry heaven whether those men / were of heaven or earthâ (289), âDonann, mother of the godsâ (291), etc. Yeah, dead handy this one for raising Xianisation issues. Also poem 293ff. Lots of whiteness/brightness. Does travel on a cloud rather than a boat turn up in Norse? 297 seems to set some of the Tuatha DĂ© up as âgodsâ, also 302: check these out with due care⊠âThree days and nights thereafter the sons of MĂlid won the battle of Sliab Mis against the demons, that is, against the Tuath DĂ© Donannâ (311). NB appendix reading, 437ff., esp. 448. ââŠChance did not bring that about, but Christâs birth broke the power of the idolsâ (285). Useful? SlĂĄne of the Fir Bolg âdied in his fair moundâ (281, verse 2)
hmm, interesting? *Carey, J., âNotes on the Irish War-Goddessâ, Ăigse, 19 (1983),
263â75. Carey, John (ed. and trans.), âScĂ©l TuĂĄin Meic Chairillâ, Ăriu,
35 (1984), 93-111. âMany redactions; prev. ed. based on late; this
on early: âI have attempted to reconstruct as nearly as possible the
readings of Xâ (100). âThe language of ST is in most respects very
close to that of Trip.; some features suggest that it should be placed
somewhat earlier. All of the evidence taken together seems to point
to a date in the second half of the ninth centuryâ (97). âOther
aspects of the tale will be of particular interest to scholars examining
the sources of Irish pseudohistory. I should like to call attention
to the fact that the Tuatha DĂ© are not euhemerized in ST, but conjectured
to have been fallen angels; it is also noteworthy that the tale contains
no trace of the LG doctrine that the Fir Bolg and the Tuatha DĂ© are
descended from Nemedâ (99). Entitles it âIncipit Imcallam TuĂĄin
fri Finniaâ (101)/ The colloquy of TuĂĄn with Finniaâ (105). âBeothecht
son of Iordanen took this island from the peoples that were in it. Of
them are the Gåilióin, and the Tuatha Dé and Andé, whose origin
the men of learning do not know; but they thought it likely that they
are some of the exiles who came to them from Heavenâ (106)/ âgabais
Beothecht mac Iodanen in n-insi seo forsna cenĂ©la bĂĄtar inti. Is dĂib
in GĂĄliĂșn 7 Tuatha DĂ© 7 AndĂ© dona fes bunadus lasin n-oes n-eĂłlais.
Acht ba dĂłich leo bith din longis dodeochaid de nim dĂłibâ (102). Carey, John, âA New Introduction by John Carey to Lebor GabĂĄla Ărenn, The Book of the Taking of Ireland, edited and translated by R. A. Stewart Macalisterâ how to refXXXX!! âan additional intro to a reprint of vol xxxivâ! âIrish literature itself preserves various ideas which are probably at least to some extent reflections of pre-Christian doctrine: this seems for instance to be the most plausible interpretion of traditions that the first Gaels in Ireland made peace with the gods of the land in order successfully to raise their crops and herds, or indeed internarried with the divine race. Such a view even of this material, however, cannot be more than a conjectureâ (2). 2 gives refs for 1st invaders internarrying with Tuatha DĂ©. Notes important antecedents in De civitate Dei, Historiae adversum paganos and Jeromeâs trans of Eusebiusâs Chronicle (2-3). Check re HS. Antecedents also attested in Historia Brittonum (3-4); âIt is interesting that neither the Fir Bolg nor the Tuatha DĂ© Donann [sic] (Section VI-VII), groups of great importance in LGĂ, figure at all in this initial sequence [in HB]; the former do however appear among a list of subsequent settles in the person of the colonist Builc, whose name is evidently a reinterpretation of the collective designation Builg (=Fir Bolg)â (4). ScĂĄl TuĂĄin meic Chairill next in line and closer to LG (4-5). âLGĂâs immediate popularity is reflected in the extraordinarily
rapid proliferation of copies and revisions. Within a few generations
of its first appearance, most of the main branches of the textual tradition
seem already to have been in existence. Its version of Irelandâs history
became the canonical one, and erlier legends were modified accordingly.
To give just two examples: successive versions of Scél Tuåin were
adapted in light of the doctrines of LGĂ; and parts of LGĂâs account
of the arrival of the Tuatha DĂ© Donann were added to the Old Irish
tale Cath Maige Tuired (âThe Battle of Mag Tuiredâ) in order to
anchor it within a larger historical contextâ (6). Carey, John, 'Sequence and Causation in Echtra Nerai', Ăriu, 39 (1988), 67-74. Discussing etymology of samuin. 'The solution which I propose is suggested by a detail in the account of Nera's first return to RĂĄth Cruachan:
*Carey, John, âOtherworlds and Verbal Worlds in Middle Irish Narrativeâ,
Proceedings of the Harvard Celtic Colloquium, 9 (1989), 31â42 *Carey, John, âIreland and the Antipodes: The Heterodoxy of Virgil
of Salzburgâ, Speculum, 64 (1989), 1â10. Cf. Smyth on this thoâ. *Carey, John, âMyth and Mythography in Cath Maige Tuiredâ, Studia
Celtica, 24â25 (1989â90), 53â69 *`A Tuath DĂ© miscellany', Bulletin of the Board of Celtic Studies
39 (1992) 24-45 Carey, John, âThe Uses of Tradition in Serglige Con Culainnâ,
in Ulidia: Proceedings of the First International COnference on the
Ulster Cycle of Tales, Belfast and Emain Macha, 8â12 April 1994, ed.
by J. P. Mallory and Gerard Stockman (Belfast, 1994), pp. 77â84. Carey, John, âNative Elements in Irish Pseudohistoryâ, in Cultural
Identity and Cultural Integration: Ireland and Europe in the Early Middle
Ages, ed. by Doris Edel (Blackrock: Four Courts Press, 1995), pp. 45â60.
53â54 re wobbliness on origin of Tuatha DĂ©âdemons? men? ignored?
âThere is an inevitable artificiality in accounts of how the gods
came to Ireland, with the attendant need to fit them into the same series
of settlements which includes Cesair, PartholĂłn, Nemed, and the Fir
Bolg. Surely they were always there, an ineradicable part of the land
whose powers they are: they do not come âfromâ anywhere, any more
than the Fomoiri seem to doâand indeed the line which separates the
Tuatha DĂ© from the Fomoiri is sometimes a hazy one [with a coupla refs].
We may never be able to reconstruct all of the stages through which
indigenous tradition and learned historiography were woven together
to create the scheme which we find in Lebar GabĂĄla; but one feature
in its account is likely to be an old one. However they got there, the
Tuatha DĂ© rule Ireland when the Gaels arrive. The new land belongs
to the immortals, inhuman powers whose weapons are magic and illusion;
Ireland, before the Gaels can win it for themselves, is itself a kind
of Otherworldâ (54). Carey, John, âCĂș Chulainn as Ailing Heroâ, in An Snaidhm Ceilteach:
GnĂŹomharran 10mh Comhdhail Eadar-NĂ iseanta na Ceiltis, Imleadhar a
h-Aon CĂ nain, Litreachas, Eachdraidh, Cultar/Celtic Connections: Proceedings
of the Tenth International Congress of Celtic Studies, Volument One,
Language, Literature, History, Culture, ed. by Ronald Black, William
Gillies and Roibeard Ă Maolalaigh (East Linton: Tuckwell, 1999), pp.
190â98. *Carey, John, âWerewolves in Medieval Irelandâ, Cambrian Medieval Celtic Studies, 44 (Winter 2002), 37â72. Re pitĂłndacht, from ScĂ©la na EsĂ©rgi (âTidings of the Resurrectionâ) ed. Stokes RC 25 1904 232â59 at 250, though Carey cites from Best and Bergin, Lebor na Huidre 1929 ll. 2702â10. Resurrection is according to the ScĂ©la ânot the same as the one whose name in the authority (isind augtartas) is [i] prestrigia. i.e., fictitious resurrection (exergi fuathaigthi), as in pythonism (am- in pitĂłndacht)â (44); ââŠpitĂłndacht, which does not seem to occur elsewhere in Irish, is an abstract noun based ultimately on the use of the word pytho in Late Antiquity to designate a diviner, or a divinerâs familiar spirit. [note amongst other things cfs. Deuteronomy 18.11; 2 Kings 21.1; I Samuel 28.8ff.; Isial 8.19, 19.3, 29.4] Discussing the biblical story of how a witch summoned up the ghost of the prophet Samuel, in his treatise De Mirabilibus Sacrae Scripturae ⊠(written in 655) the Irish theologian known as âAugustinus Hibernicusâ asked: âHow then is Samuel said to have been raised up by a prophetess (pythonissa), since the prophetess is seen to have used devilish incantations and delusions (daemoniasic incantationibus et praestrigis)â (45). 64â68 dead interesting on female werewolves in Bretha CrĂłlige
(âJudgements of Blood-Lyingâ), âa work conerned with the care
and maintenance of those who had been seriously injuredâ (64). Citing
Corpus Iuris Hibernici, ed. by D. A. Binchy, 6 vols with continuous
pagination, Dublin 1978, 2294.35â95.4 and stuff in Binchy 1934â38,
26 §32. âThe text includes a list of twelve types of woman to whom
such entitlement was denied: // The woman who turns the streams of war
backward, the hostage ruler (?), one rich in miracles, a woman who cuts
[with satire?], a female artisan, one revered in the kingdom, a female
physician of the kingdom, one sharp in her words (birach briatar), a
wandering(?) woman (ben foimrimme), a wold of wolf-shape (confĂŠl conrecta),
one deranged, one frenzied. // There are many obscurities here, but
the general idea seems to be that these were women whose anomalous status
made them for [65] various reasons an unduly high risk; they were to
be nursed only by their own families. A further passage indicates that
this was especially so in the case of three of them: // For three of
these women, their nursing is paid according to the rank of their marriage,
i.e. one sharp in her words, and a wold (confaol), and a wandering(?)
woman. This is why they are not borne off on sick-maintenance according
to Irish law: because no one dares go surety [to guarantee against]
a crime [due to] their boldness. // In the case of these three, the
threat which they posed is present in the glosses as being supernatural
or quasi-supernatural: the woman âsharp in her wordsâ is identified
as a satirist; and the âwandering(?) womanâ is described as consorting
with the people of the sĂde [n. 109 rather long, on this subject].
A further gloss on the second passage lists the dangers which the trio
collectively posed as âsatire, and killing livestock, and summoning
demonsâ (ĂŠr[a]chas 7 marb- indili 7 toc[h]uirui[d] demna)â (64,
citing Binchy 1978 p. 2295.26â28, cf. 1934â38 28 §34). whew. A
bit more on sĂde and wolves 67. Carlson, Signe M., âThe Monsters of Beowulf: Creations of Literary
Scholarsâ, Journal of American Folklore, 80 (1967), 357â64. Usual
deal of looking at translations and finding more monstrosity than perhaps
warranted. Fair enough. From the perspective of demythologising Grendel
and his mum! Alas! She believes in dragons! But has somefair points
too; NB and check out âFÄ«felcynn ⊠is most frequently defined as
âa race of (sea) monstersâ. American, British, and German dictionaries
record the fact that the fīfel is derived from or related to the Icelandic
(Old Norse) fĂfl, meaning either âfool, clown, boorâ or âmonster,
giantâ, but three Scandinavian-edited dictionaries of Old Norse and
Icelandic do not suggest meanings of âmonsterâ or âgiantâ. They
give âsimpletonâ, âfoolâ, âclownâ, and âmadmanâ for
fĂflâŠâ (360). Reckons no-oneâs considered this possibility. Hmm. *Carmichael, D. L. et. al. eds, Sacred Sites, Sacred Places (London,
1994) Carney, James, Studies in Irish Literature and History (Dublin, 1955)97-98
re Irish stories in which warrior dives into pool to fight water-monster,
rather different from waterfall in Grettis saga etcâand, I might add,
haug-breaking. Suggests Irish infl, and that sounds OK to me here. This
has been reconsidered in recent SPeculum, no? 102-114 re Line 112 bit.
Goes for Sex aetates 103-6; Isidore source for that 106-111. But the
Isidore source wobbly to start with: âThe Irish author having drawn
upon Isidore for the torothair of his title, and for the first three
specific types mentioned in [107] Isidoreâs work, giants, dwarfs,
and those suffering from grossness of a single part of the body, then
included all Isidoreâs subsequent types in a single category: âevery
misshapen form that people are wont to haveâ.â (107). Carr, Charles T., Nominal Compounds in Germanic, St Andrews University
Publications, 41 (London, 1939). Carver, Martin, âConversion on the Eastern Seaboard of Britain:
Some Archaeological Indicatorsâ, in Conversion and Christianity in
the North Sea World, ed. by Barbara E. Crawford, St. Johnâs House
Papers, 8 (St. Andrews, 1998), pp. 11â40. *Carver, Martin, âWhy that? Why there? Why then? The Politics of
Early Medieval Monumentalityâ, in Image and Power in the Archaeology
of Early Medieval Britain, ed. by H. Hamerow and A. MacGregor (Oxford,
2001), XXXX *Cavendish, Richard, The Powers of Evil in Western Religion, Magic
and Folk Belief (1975). 244 re Proclus who might be important. Cavill, Paul, âBede and CĂŠdmonâs Hymnâ, in âLastworda Betstâ:
Essays in Memory of Christine E. Fell with her Unpublished Writings,
ed. by Carole Hough and Kathryn A. Lowe (Donington: Tyas, 2002), pp.
1â17. Taking on the arguments for CĂŠdmonâs hymn as a trans from
Bede, arguing that itâs a vernacular story. 4â5 interesting idea
that as weâd expect the name to be /kadvon/, <CĂŠdmon> reflects
a written source (based on Jackson LHEB and an idea of Alex Woolfâs);
moreover âIt is arguable that the only point at which Bede had any
difficulty with the story is when he comes to the Hymn itself, when
he struggles to render an authoritative text, whether oral or written,
and has to explain his procedureâ (5 n. 25), though obviously this
doesnât mean that our OE text is not a retranslation. Discusses the
we problem and poss that uerc uuldurfadur is the subject 6â9, reckoning
that âThe extraordinary tenacity of Old English versions without we
is the strongest evidence for an independent Old English Hymnâ (9)--well,
only if you donât mind the divergence in Bedeâs trans. then... Caviness, Dimitra-Alys A., âAn Analysis of Pre-Christian Ireland
Using Mythology and A GISâ http://gis.esri.com/library Caws, Peter, Structuralism: A Philosophy for the Human Sciences,
2nd ed. (New York: Humanity Books, 2000). Ceha, L. J., C. Presperin, E. Young, M. Allswede and T. Erickson,
âAnticholinergic Toxicity from Nightshade Berry Poisoning Responsive
to Physostigmineâ, The Journal of Emergency Medicine, 15 (1997), 65â69.
âA 4-year old girl was brought to the emergency department with signs
and symptoms consistent with anticholinergic poisoning. The mother suspected
an ingestion 15 min prior to arrival of multiple orange-and-red berries
from a climbing vine located in the backyard. The patient was found
supine and uttering incomprehensi[66]ble sounds in the garden. The patient
vomited once en route to the hospital. // On examination, the patient
was nonverbal, responding only to painful stimuliâ (65â66, with
more details 66, including fast heart rate). Chadwick, Nora K., âNorse Ghosts: A Study in the Draugr and the
HaugbĂșiâ, Folk-Lore, 57 (1946), 50â65, 106â27 [Edinburgh Per.
.39.fol.] Chadwick, Nora K., âThe Story of Macbeth: A Study in Gaelic and
Norse Traditionâ, Scottish Gaelic Studies, 6 (1949), 189â211 and
7 (1953), 1â25 Chadwick, Nora Kershaw, âLiterary Tradition in the Old Norse and Celtic Worldâ, Saga-Book of the Viking Society 14 (1953â57), pp. 164â99. [P592.c.21 NF6]. Stops waffling at 171. ArĂĄn/Arawn pp. 173-77. Saxoâs version has, as Chad puts it, Ăsmundr and Ăsvitr (Asuitus). Check when ĂĄ got that âawâ pronunciation. Presumably by the time of the OSL changes. Suggests hebridean story p. 177. 178-82 re wooing of ĂtaĂn (in CĂn Dromma Snechta). Associates it with Helgi in the Eddaic Helgi poems and also HrĂłmunds saga Gripssons. Seems similar but hardly the basis for a useful connection. âIn Norse the belief in rebirth is implied in many stories and poemsâ (182). Sigurðarkviða en skamma st. 45; Starkaðr (?in HS). âIn the Edda poem Helgakviða Hundingsbana II, the hero Starkaðr is the brother of Guðmundr, who dwells on Svarinshaugr. He is also descended from the ĂĄlfar, Starkaðr Ăludrengr having married Ălfhildr, the daughter of King Ălfr of Ălfheimar, the region of Olaf Geirstaða-Ălfr, as we shall seeâ (183). 183-4 re rebirth of Olaf Geirstaða-Ălfr; âHis name means âElfâ (i.e. the soul of one awaiting rebirth of Geirstaðirâ (183), wow, a bit of a leap in interpretation there. Hmm, am I going to have to tackle this one? Oddly, I seem not to have notes from her âNorse ghostsâ article; seem to recall much overlap. Itâs Olaf Geirstaðir-Ălfr who is [implictly] reborn as St. Olaf Haraldsson in the FlateyjarbĂłk account (183-4). âWhat follows makes it cler that St. Olaf was regarded in popular opinion as Olaf Geirstaðir-Ălfr re-bornâ (184; she quotes a passage which makes this seem pretty clear, Flat. II, 135 in 1860-8 ed.). Similar e.g. from CĂn Dromma Snechta re MongĂĄn being Finn mac Cumhaill reborn. Very interesting (184-5). Consider LĂr/Llyr to be identical in origin with HlĂ©r/Ăgir (186), and Heimdallr with ManannĂĄn (186-7). Correspondences not unconvincing, and RĂgsĂŸula gets in on the scene which is handy as she points out (187-8) Assocs land of sĂd with ĂdĂĄinsakr; woman invites hero to the land. Hmm, interesting vaguely. Infers that we must read haugar to correspond with sĂd mounds, lands of perpetual youth and bloom both (if you pick the right texts); âAnd here are the ĂĄlfar, the souls of the unborn, who, like the Irish ĂtĂĄin, the Norse Geirstaða-Ălfr and Starkaðr, and Helgi, live again in other members of their families in later generations. Thus in fact these heroes do not die, but re-live for ever, having married the sĂd women, the daughters of Guðmundr, as Helgi marries SigrĂșn (finally, ritually, in the barrow). We never hear of a corpse or a ghost in the barrows in either Norse or Irish. The occupant is always a draugr in Norse, an animated corpse; in Irish a sĂd or supernatural beingâ (196). reckons deep dark age roots for each, thoâ also stresses poss of Irish infl. on Norse (and not vice versa!) (198-9). *Chambers, Robert, Domestic Annals of Scotland (Edinburgh, 1861) *Champion, Timothy, âThe Celt in Archaeologyâ, in Celticism,
ed. by Terence Brown (Amsterdam: XXXX, 1996), pp. 61â78. XXXXthe collection
may be more useful than the article.XXXX Chance, Jane, Woman as Hero in Old English Literature (Syracuse:
Syracuse University Press, 1986). Chance, Jane, Medieval Mythography, 2 vols (Gainesville, 1994â2000). Reckons Alfred on Bethius v. unusual and stuff (211â13), following Wittig in ASE 11 (1983) and also using soemthing in Anglia 82 (1964) and other refs. Reckons main divergence in Orpheus, whereby Orpheus gets to be prototypical Xian or something, quite unlike Boethius (213â14), âThis highly original interpretation of Boethius was itself based on Alfredâs confusion of the Furies or Eumeniesâthose avengersâwith the Parcae or Fatesâthose who determine the the length of human life. This confusion may have guided Alfredâs interpretation of the moral and therefore the subsequent glossatorsâ analogous interpretation of all three epic heroes. If the Furies punish man by pursuing him only when he is guilty of a misdeed, but are equated with the Fates who govern the beginningm span, and end of each manâs life, then the whole of manâs life is [214] gloomy and punishing, a view characteristic of the Anglo-Saxon homilist. From this darklife the Christian convert would gladly escape into the paradisal light of the afterlife. Alfred defines âultices deae,â the vengeful goddesses, as the Parcae who know no respect for any man, punish him for his deeds, and rule manâs fate: âParcas, ða hi secgað ðÊt on namum men nyt[on na]ne are, ac ĂŠlcu men wrecen [be his] gewyrhtu; ĂŸa hi secgað ðÊt walden ĂŠlces mannes wyrde.â [Sedgefield 102] He may have made this mistake through a hasty reading of the firt Vatican mythographer wh juxtaposes the Furies (Mythogr. I 108/109) with the Parcae (109/110). [couldnât we say the same of Isidore, maybe with intermediary fatae?]. Only Alfred and the anonymous St. Gall Minor make this mistakeâ (213â14), see also n. 27 on pp. 552â53 (âIt is possible that Alfred used the first Vatican mythographer for this gloss, especially likely if the latter author was indeed Adanan the Scot, as has been speculatedâ; 553). All seems a bit fanciful, but maybe interesting in suggesting substrate goings on? Chappel, Allen H., 'Saga af Viktor ok Blavus': A Fifteenth Century Icelandic Lygisaga. An English Edition and Translation, Janua linguarum, series practica, 88 (The Hague: Mouton, 1972). Sic re the lack of hyphenation in the title! V arrives by ship without sworn brother at Quenn Fulgida's, and takes 300 men to her feast. Upon proposal Q turns as red as blood and black as earth. One of her objections is that V just pops the question, in public, which Sigrgarðr avoids; and doesn't offer any treasure. Then he offers it & Q cheers up (89). He's led to her bed where she waits, gets the treasure, and gives him the trick cup. Fulgida does the hair-cutting and tarring trick, has him flogged, and dumped in a forest. Kador takes V home and B takes the piss. A year passes and off V goes again disguised as an old man (91), specifically similar to Samarion (Kador's old boss), pretending to be a merchant, with Blavus's flying carpet. Flies queen, who's unwilling, to France (93), but she deceives him by flattery into stopping at a fruit tree, whereupon she pushes him off and flies home with the wealth V has pretended to be trading. It adds that she'd recognised V and boasts about it. V eventually gets home all knackered and thin and unrecognisable (does B actually fail to recognise him as in Jorgensen's 1997 summary or is B just taking the piss again?) (97). B offers to go instead and see to it so he and K go disguised as monks. The Q has a skin-disease (maybe in genitalia) and seeks the monk B's healing powers; B refuses (97). But eventually B says yes and says he needs to stay in Q's palace for 7 nights; as soon as he sings over her, her pain goes. He's watched over, but calls on Dimus the dwarf to sort that out; D breaks in with a landslide from the local mountain (99). Tells D to take Q home; Q recognises B as her half brother (by the same father); B sends her back in his own form (101). F goes back to France and V doesn't ask how it went because he assumes F is B and that it was bad. Blavus takes up government of India in form of Fulgida (103). King Solldan of Serkland comes to India to force F to marry him (103). F (ie B) agrees, and uses the marriage as an opportunity to snatch Solldan's daughter Rosida using the magic carpet (105). Solldan dies of misery but everyone hated him anyway. The real B gives away F in marriage to V, takes R back to Serkland which he rules with her, and they give India to K. They each have a son who they name as demanded by the vikings they killed earlier and the boys also become sworn brothers (107). They get the cool weapons their namesakes had born and go and fight the K of Denmark, Germineri. G wins, and we hear of his sons, the first of whom inherits the weapons--and oddly Ăslendingasaga-sounding coda. Charles-Edwards, T. M. âGildas has a famous reference to people
whom scholars have interpreted as British bards. He denounces Maelgwn
for allowing himself to be praised by panegyrists foaming at the mouth
with mendacious flattery. Admittedly, Gildas was primarily concerned
with the outrageous untruthfulness of the praises rather than with the
language in which they were delivered. Yet there remains a contrast
between the refinement of Maelgwnâs Latin education and his present
situation, surrounded by bards whose lies were broadcast as undiscriminatingly
as their spittle. Moreover, this contrast within the career of Maelgwn
needs to be brought into relation with another contrast found in the
inscriptions. While Irish was admitted in Britain to the [65] dignity
of being used on memorial inscriptions, British was not. Further back
in time, some evidence for British may be emerging in the curse tablets
found at Bath, but such texts were very far from having the public status
of memorial inscriptions in stone, as their cursive script and the context
in which they were found demonstrate; and, moreover, no such texts have
been found from the post-Roman period. They only reinforce the general
epigraphic evidence for the lower social prestige of Britishâ (64-65). Charles-Edwards, Thomas, âAnglo-Saxon Kinship Revisitedâ, in
The Anglo-Saxons from the Migration Period to the Eighth Century: An
Ethnographic Perspective, ed. by John Hines, Studies in Archaeoethnology,
2 (Woodbridge, 1997), pp. 171â210 (discussion being 204ff.). Reckons
you get negative interaction (e.g. feuds) and positive (e.g. gift-giving)
but not much in betweenââimpersonal interactionâ. This characterises
modern bearocratic governance etc. but not ASE, at any point (172).
Feond and freond have to be consistentâif you deal properly with your
feondas they can expect you to bit a firm freond if you make peace (172).
Ges on to discuss kin, feuds, bookland and hereitary right etc. etc.
Didnât read properlyâskipped to conclusion. Mainly emphs at end
that kinship works differently in different strata of society, which
has tended to be overlooked. âAs kinship was only one source of friendship,
so different kinships offered different kinds of friendship: the brother
of a king might be his rival, which the brother of a free peasant was
much more likely to be his daily collaborator, in ploughing, in harvesting
and in the sharing of scare toolsâ (200). NB 206 for Paul. Charles-Edwards, T. M., âGeis, Prophecy, Omen and Oathâ, Celtica,
23 (1999), 38â59. Mainly re Togail Bruidne Da Derga, so check again
if you work on that. Not much of interest re omens and prophecies in
present context. Charles-Edwards, T. M., Early Christian Ireland (Cambridge, 2000). âA corollary of slavery was that acceptable and organised violence was deployed only by the free, both aristocrat and client⊠Freedom, therefore, went with being a gaiscedach, an armed manâ (69). âThose who exercised a power regularly sustained by force and the threat of force were, therefore, free and maleâ (71). Not usual for men to move onto wifeâs land (which presumes that sheâs a widow anyway), illustrated 103â4 re legendary Fergus mac Roig, whoâs mocked ever after in at least some of the lit. because â he had âpursued a womanâs loins across a frontierâ â (103). âIf Fergusâs honour was threatened by migration, so too was the honour of lesser men: they too were thought to have abandoned the kingdom of their forefathersâwhere their kinsmen lay in the ancestral cemeteryâfor sexâ (104) with refs. 105â6 on saga of Fergus mac LĂ©ti and the water-monster incident. Canât remember why that was interesting. But makes it seem less bizarre the way TCE tells it. 106â12 on the household (muinter), could stand as description of women in soc and marriage and divorce. âThere are enough references to druids in seventh and eighth-century Irish sources to make it plain that they were considered to have formed a powerful group in Irish society, but to have lost that position as a result of conversion. This sense of the druĂ as the principal opposition to Christianity appears to have been carried by irish missionaries to England in the seventh century, as indicated by the borrowing of druĂ [191] into English as dry âmagicianâ.â (190â91). *Chartier, Roger, Cultural History (Cambridge, 1988) Chase, Colin (ed.), The Dating of Beowulf (Toronto, 1981). *Chaudenson, Robert, Des Ăźles, des hommes, des langues: essais sur la crĂ©olisation linguistique et culturelle (Paris: LâHarmattan, 1992) *Cherniss, Michael D., Ingeld and Christ: Heroic Concepts and Values in Old English Christian Poetry (The Hague, 1972). 218 app. re Glcpoemsâreckons heroic diction absorbed into the whole deal, Nbs that Glc himselfdoesnât use it. Apparently. Chickering, Howell D. Jr., âThe Literary Magic of Wið FĂŠrsticeâ, Viator, 2 (1971), 83â104. [P532.b.41]. Rather meanders through the whole matter, lots of worrying at appoaches which seems not very useful. Assumes rheumatic pain (83). Commentators divided on whether to see in it valkyries, Weland, wodenâs Wild Hunt (85âand more flly with refs 97-8). âMore important, there is no convincing explanation of what kind of defensive magic is used in this âepic introductionâ. In fact, it could be said that tis charm epitomizes the methodological difficulties that literary scholars face in dealing with an Anglo-Saxon anthropological documentâ (85). ââŠthe literary value of these lines is more comprehensible when they are seen as a dramatic verbal performance, in which the very act of saying creates its own magicâ (87). âThe obvious alternative to a structural comparison would be an analysis of the role of the charm in its immediate cultural context. We do not, however, know enough about the physical setting and social meaning of such charm performances to arrive at a functionalis or a Contextualist expanation of this âepic introductionâ. This seriously hampers a modern anthropological approach to this charm, since, after E. E. Evans-pritchardâs classic study, Witchcraft, Oracles, and Magic Among the Azande (1937), most cultural anthropologists agree that any full explanation of magic must include its total social context. // With so many contexts lacking, let us assume that the particulars of the charm itself contain its magic. This assumption is based on current anthropological thinking about magic as a world-wide phenomenon. Magical operations may be defined berysimply as stereotyped formulas or actions that influence events in the physical worldâ (90). âEvans-Pritchard very plainly distinguishes magic from witchcraft by the fact that magic can be learned and that its power is located in its techniques and materials, while witches possess a special psychical power that can affect others without the aid of rites and spellsâ (92)âinteresting re divisions in ME material⊠Seems to find wiĂŸ fĂŠr a bit incoherent due to change of addressee in line 20 (94); âThere is extensive comparative evidence, especially in the Finnish charms, that when charms are extemporaneous oral performances, the composition of a charm for a given ailment can vary widely in the selection of its themes, from singer to singer, so long as the themes, unrelated in themselves, all apply to the purpose at hand ⊠Perhaps we should not assume any aesthetic necessity in this apparent thematic unity. // It is also likely that the themes of the âspearâ and the âshotâ are only generally similar. No commentator sees the ânarrative allusionsâ that surround the âspearâ refrain in the first half as references to the âelf-shotâ in [95] the second half. Probably we should not even classify the whole charm as âagainst elf-shotâ as do Bonser (158-160) and Grattan and Singer (175). It must be granted that der Alpenschuss is the broadest Northen European folk tradition of supernatural missiles causing illness, and that they arre often called arrows of darts (= lytel spere?); but in the seocnd part of the charm âelvesâ are only one of the three equivalent evil forces that are named. One might as well title the chrm âAgainst Witch-Shotâ in the light of the supernatural women in the first part, the transitional reference to hĂŠgtessan geweorc (line 19), and haegtessan gescot (lines 24, 26) in the second part. Such a title would be an equally incomplete designation of the possible sources of the pain. Even if we accept Bonserâs transltion of fĂŠrstice as âsudden punctureâ (160-161), we cannot settle whether the puncture is due to elves or to witches (assuming for the moment the âmighty womenâ are in fact witches). Hence we cannot speak of a âunified themeâ other than the shooting pain itselfâ (94-5). What a load of old cobblers, itâs completely obvious that the âshotâ is a unifying thingâjust this mad insistance on elf-shot as arrows and things sending folks astray. A handy example of the mess folks have made themselvesâuse it. âMedically, then, these herbs [in wiĂŸ fĂŠr] would be helpful only for fever, sore throat, or lacerations. Magically, however, the nettle and the black heads of the ribwort plantain (Plantago lanceolata) resemble spears or arrows in shape. If the feverfew in the charm were centaury, it too might have had magical value because its seeds are in the shape of small spindles. It is possible that all three herbs were thought to attarct [sic] the lytel spere by similarities of shape. This is so common a characteristic of herbal magic in Europe that Renaissance herbalists elevated it to the âdoctrine of signaturesâ â (96). Using Scand ev, âwe can, if we please, posit a fairly coherent set of references throughout the charm to magical practices and beliefs related to Wodenâ (99, cf. 98-9)âwell, maybe so, but pretty wobbly, as he points out 99. âAny narrative coherence may come from the speaker being the main character in what little story there is. Wht looks like a set of mythic allusions may instead be an especially successful invention of the circumstances in which the speaker gains his magical power. The story may occur only in the present time of the charm, and its meaning may simply be that the spealer gains control over the lytel spere by imagining, and living within, this fragmented narrative of bad magic, and then successfullu resisting its malevolence. When we see further that the vexing references to the smiths can be plausibly explained as also part of the speakerâs magical practice, we can conclude that the possibility of a mythical story as a source of the speakerâs power is extremely unlikely. It is more likely that the imaginative force of his magical practice, that is, the literary power in the texture of the words, creates the special magic of the charmâ (99). Line 19 hit=hyt âheatâ cf. Bwf 2649 (101). 101-4 fairly straight lit crit aimed to show how poem can be effective [as âmagicâ]. Not very useful. Annoying paper as much of what Iâd like to see is lurking in background here (and in meandering discussion) but never foregrounded, made explicit and brought to bear on meaning of charm. Perhaps partly because of laudable (but excessive?) caution re context of utterance of this poem? Chidester, David, Savage Systems: Colonialism and Comparative Religion in Southern Africa (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1996). 'The discipline of comparative religion emerged, therefore, not only out of the Englightenment heritage but also out of a violent history of colonial conquest and domination. Accordingly, the history of comparative religion is a story not only about knowledge but also about power. The disciplinary history of the study of religion is also ahustory of the discipline, a dramatic narrative of the discourses and practices of comparison that shaped subjectivities on colonized peripheries and at European centres. To borrow a phrase from Jonathan Z. Smith, the discipline of comparative religion was by no means an innocent endeavor.whether practiced on the colonized periphery or at the colonizing center, the study of religion was entangled in the power relations of frontier conflict, military conquest and reistance, in imperial expansion' (xiii). Comparative religion partly ammered out on the ground in frontier situations 'not by intellectuals aloof from the world, but by human eings engaged in religious conflicts on the ground' (xiv, cf. xiv-xv). Some stuff I don't quite get that seems to be about how Europeans needed to colonise to realise that Africans _had_ religion (xv) and the importance of indigenous comparativists on the frontier as well as colonising ones (xvi). 'Furthermore, I did not know that comparative religion in the nineteenth century provided terms for distinguishing among local people--the Xhosa were Arabs, the Zulu were Jews, and the Sotho-Tswana were ancient Egyptians--in ways that both transposed the Middle East onto the southern African landscape and conceptually displaced the indigenous people of sourthern Africa to the Middle East' (xv; cf. c. 169ff, maybe other bits too). Interesting. Discussing Robert Moffat (a nasty sounding missionary guy): 'In his reconaissance of all the indigenous people of southern Africa, Moffat found absolutely no religion. By explaining "Zoolah" [i.e. Xhosa] sacrifices as celebrations of ancient heroes, however, Moffat did propose a theory of religion, the ancient theory of Euhemerus, which accounted for the origin of religion in the elevation of cultural heroes to divine status. According to Moffat, Euhemerism could explain any hint of worship that might be found among the indigenous people of southern Africa. He held that the alleged [end of 184, picture on 185, next page with text 186] god of the Hottentots--Tsui'kuap, Uti'kuap, or Uti'ko--was only an "ancient hero". Among the frontier Xhosa, Moffat conjectured, the term Uhlanga referred either to the oldest of their kings or to "a deified chief or hero, like the Thor and Woden of our Teutonic ancestors". In these terms, Robert Moffat advanced the strongest, most sustained explanation of African beliefs and practices as the result of the euhemerisation deification of ancient cultural heroes' (184-84). This is a bit naughty because he's actually quoting Moffat's quotation of Thomas Pringle. (See Pringle 1839 [1834], 89.) This is perhaps significant because Pringle seems to have had fairly positive views of these things and is perhaps (i guess) trying to mediate Kafir ideas to a Western audience; this is perhaps quite different from what Moffat is trying to do; but I should investigate this stuff more closely. 220 re some guy called Tooke: 'Terms for a god, a chief spirit, or an ancestral progenitor appeared in Bantu vocabularies, but their meanings were uncertain' (220). 230 on LĂ©vy-Bruhl's stuff on primitive mentality--sound pretty much exactly like what Habermas comes out with at the beginning of _Communicative Action_. Oh dear.
Chiffoleau, Jaques, âDroit(s)â, in Dictionnaire raisonnĂ© de lâOccident mĂ©diĂ©val, ed. by Jaques Le Goff and Jean-Claude Schmitt ([no placeXXXXX]: Fayard, 1999), pp. 290â308 Christiansen, Reidar Th. The Migratory Legends: A Proposed List of Types with a Systematic Catalogue of the Norwegian Variants. FF Communications 175. Helsinki: Suomalainen tiedeakatemia, 1958. Christiansen, Eric, The Norsemen in the Viking Age (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002). re Xian God, âThis god was not averse to large-scale devastation and bloodshed, any more than were Odin or Thor. He had armies of martyrs and saints ranged in his city, as well as stores of wisdom and rewards after death and the service of rulers on earth. His ascendancy over the other gods could hardly have been a shock within societies used to judging gods by the efficacy and âputting one before the othersâ on the basis of the resulted, as Adam of Bremen reportedâ (267). âAbout five hundred years earlier [before Cnut] this [the threat of the dead] was acknowledged in the words on thr Flistad stone, in VĂ€stergötland: BEWARE THE DEAD DESTROYER âthe aptrganga or draugr in Icelandic literatureâ (286, no ref). Clancy, Thomas Owen, âThe Real St Ninianâ, The Innes Review, 52 (2001), 1â28. 1â2 disses the way the historians of early medieval Scotland have clung to SS lives trying to believe them; these have also tended to set the research agenda. 2â5 on sources, the third of which, Aelred of Rievaulxâs C12 Vita, seems to be based on an earlier life (as is the second early source, the Miracula poem in Triumph Tree), contains an English onomastic gloss, arguably from the source text (partly on the basis of the gloss âIt has been argued that Aelredâs source was an English translation of an earlier Latin Life, but this seems unnecessaryâ, 5). Wonder if itâs interesting? Same source assumed to underly the C8 Miracula poem (labelled ÎČ pp. 22â23). Maybe underlain by a native bit of hagiography α (to account for some of the incidental details; 23). Ascribes the early source to the agency of Pehthelm, Whithornâs first Northumbrian bishop, and assumed that Bedeâs knowledge comes from Pehthelm, maybe in a letter or somesuch. Apparently, P was trained by Aldhelm at Malmes and was asked for advice by Boniface (6); no ref though. âMoreover, the account of Ninianâs mission to the souterhn Picts reflects the continuing memory within the Northumbrian church of their recent episcopal jurisdiction over the southern Picts, from the base of the bishopric at Abercorn on the Forth. ... Whithorn may easily have seen itself as its successor as the most far-flung Northumbrian seeâ (7). Maybe want to regain their old jurisdiction. Little ev. for Ninian and what we have is extremely vagueâmay suggest invention? Certainly no reason to buy Aelredâs idea that Ninian was around at the time of St martin! (6â9). The miracles in the Miracula âinvolve people with English names exlusivelyâthe Northumbrian settlers of the eighth centuryâ (9). No convincingly pre-C12 church dedications, place-names containing no Ninian refs (9â11)--and in particular, no eccles names of any sort near Whithorn (11â12). But if you do look for a prominent saint in that area, itâs definitively the Finnian (old scholarly convention)/Uinniau (new scholarly convention) figure, which in Thomasâs summary is one original saint who gets localised in different ways in different places and starts to be different figures, but who originally taught Columba and wrote a penitential which Columba used (12â14). The name seems to be from *Uindobarros or maybe *Uinnobarros, with a Brittonic hypocoristic *Uinniau. Original could be q- or p-Celtic but most people (basically apart from Padraig Ă Riain) seem to prefer Brittonic, and therefore identity as one of the many major C6 British monks grooving in Ireland (14â16). More pns refering to the dude in SW Scotland than anywhere else, mainly a concentration in Galloway and another in Ayrshire/Renfrewshire (17â18), with good parallels in the pers names there too (18â19). Also some relevant hagiographical production in the area re Finnian of Movilla (Ulster), who seems to be a figure relatively close to *Uinniau (19â20). Since that Ninian sources all go back to α (emphâd 20â25), heâs arguably just a misreading (23, 25). Thomas gives a cautious revised narrative for Uinniau (25â): British, trains at or less likely founds Whithorn; goes to Ireland founding Movilla and Clonard, each of which develops its own cult of him (25). Clonard does best in the texual production stakes (25â26). Uinniau writes to Gildas and writes a penitintial, important ev for mid-C6 church. Columba trained in one of his Irish monasteries. Goes with death in 579, canât remember why (26). Thoughts on spread of cult 26â27. *Clancy, T. O., âScottish Saints and National Identities in the
Early Middle Agesâ, in Local Saints, Local Churches, ed. by Richard
Sharpe and A. Thacker (Oxford 2001) XXXXX sounds like it might say about
use and abuse of saintsâ cults in EME. Clark, Cecily (ed.), The Peterborough Chronicle 1070-1154 (Oxford, 1958) [759.c.87.5]. sa 1127 re wild hunt. âNe ĂŸince man na sellice ĂŸet we soð seggen; for his wĂŠs ful
cuð ofer eall land ĂŸet swa radlice swa he ĂŸĂŠr comâĂŸet wĂŠs ĂŸes
SunendĂŠies ĂŸet man singað âExurge, quare [50] obdormis, Domine?ââĂŸa
som ĂŸĂŠrĂŠfter ĂŸa sĂŠgon 7 herdon fela men feole huntes hunten. Ăa
huntes wĂŠron swarte 7 micele 7 ladlice, 7 here hundes ealle swarte
7 bradegede 7 ladlice, 7 hi ridone on swarte hors 7 on swarte bucces.
Ăis wĂŠs segon on ĂŸe selue derfald in ĂŸa tune to Stanforde; 7 ĂŸa
muneces herdon ða horn blawen ĂŸet hi blewen on nihtes. Soðfeste men
heom kepten on nihtes; sĂŠidon, ĂŸes ĂŸe heom ĂŸuhte, ĂŸet ĂŸĂŠr mihte
wel ben abuton twenti oðer ĂŸritti hornblaweres. Ăis wĂŠs sĂŠgon 7
herd fram ĂŸet he ĂŸider com eall ĂŸet lente[n]tid onan to Eastren.
/ Ăis was his ingang [Heanri of Peitoweâs]: of his utgang ne cunne
we iett noht seggon.â (49-50) Clark, Cecily, âOnomasticsâ, in The Cambridge History of the English Language, Volume 1: The Beginnings to 1066, ed. by Richard M. Hogg (Cambridge, 1992), pp. 452â89. âStability [of nomenclature] does not, however, entail being static, and semantic divorce from common vocabulary lays name-material especially open to phonological change, in so far as shifts [486] and reductions may be unrestrained by analogies with related lexical items and may at times be warped by random associations with unrelated but like-sounding ones. As a source of phonological evidence, name-material must therefore be treated with reserveâ and thatâs all she says! 457 on semantic classification of themes into nobility/renown, national
pride, religion, strength and valour, warriors and weapons etc. Also
parallels with heroic verse diction 457-8. *15 TI: Sir Orfeo: The Otherworld vs. Faithful Human LoveAU:
Clark,-RosalindPB: 71-80 IN Storm,-Mel (ed.). Proceedings of the Medieval
Association of the Midwest, II. Emporia, KS : Emporia State Univ., 1993.
vii, 130 pp.AN: 1994068071Complete RecordIn Database: MLA Bibliography
1994-2004/03. Clark, Stuart, Thinking With Demons: The Idea of Witchcraft in Early
Modern Europe (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1997). âThe implications of
putting language issues first continue to disturb intellectual and cultural
historians, and studies of [4] witchcraft have been slow to explore
them. Yet one of the notions that has been called most into question
is precisely the demand that a particular language-use must match up
with external reality, in some ultimate fashion, if its users are not
to be led into error. This has, indeed, been a fundamental shift away
from the realist assumption that truths are discovered lying around
in the world by sufficiently adept observers who then represent them
in language, and towards the anti-realist observers who when represent
them in language, and towards the anti-realist idea that they are made
by language-use itself and then commended by members of speech communities
who find them good to believe. The result has been that phrases like
âthe facts of the matterâ have become highly contentious as guides
to the status of beliefsâ (3â4). âThe assumption that beliefs
in witchcraft were essentially incorrectâin the way I initially characterised
themâhas prevailed in witchcraft studies for so long because of an
overriding,though largely unspoken, commitment to the realist model
of knowledge. In this model, language is seen as a straightforward reflection
of a reality outside itself and utterances are judged to be true or
false according to how accurately they describe objective things. This
kind of neutral reference to the external world is held to be the only
reliable source of meaning and, indeed, the most important property
of language. In consequence, it has been possible to account for witchcraft
beliefs (like any others) in only two ways. First, they have been submitted,
if only implicitly, to empirical verification to see whether they corresponded
to the real activities of real people. With important exceptions, the
answer has been ânoâ. The entity âwitchcraftâ has turned out
to be a non-entity, because for the most part it had no referents in
the real world. Once tested in this manner, witchcraft beliefs have
then either been dismissed out of hand as mistaken and, hence, irrational,
or (and this is the second possibility), they have been explained away
as the secondary consequences of some genuinely real and determining
conditionâthat is to say, some set of circumstances (social, political,
economic, biological, psychic, or whatever) that was objectively real
in itself but gave rise to objectively false beliefs. These twin processes
of falsification and explanation imply each other, of course. A mistaken
[5] belief cries out for an account of why it continued to be held despite
its falseness, other than because it was believed in; while explaining
a belief away depends, logically if not actually, on a prior decision
that it was incapable of self-support in terms of its reference to something
realâ (4â5). âThis may seem an excessively philosophical characterization
of past witchcraft research, but it is borne out by the relative lack
of interpretations of witchcraft beliefs in terms of either their intrinsic
meaning or their capacity to inspire meaningful actions. Traces of realism
can also be found in the still-repeated description of them [6] as âdelusionsâ
and âfantasiesâ. For the situation to change, a different notion
of language will have to be consideredâin particular, that it should
not be asked to follow reality but be allowed to constitute it. Here,
the object of attention would become language itself, not the relationship
between language and the extra-linguistic world. And the aim would be
to uncover the linguistic circumstances that enables the utterances
and actions associated with witchcraft belief to convey meaning. This
would not, of course, transform impossibilities into possibilities,
or mistakes into truths. Ratherâand this is the crux of the matterâthese
distinctions would themselves become irrelevant; the idea of making
them would no longer itself make historical sense. Witchcraftâs apparent
lack of reality as an objective fact would simply become a non-issue,
and the consequent need to reduce witchcraft beliefs to some more real
aspect of experience would go away. This is not to say that the social,
political, economic, biological, psychic (or whatever) elements in the
history of witchcraft would go away too: only that these would become
the idioms of witchcraft beliefs, not their determinants. Understanding
these idioms would become the goal of an essentially interpretative
enquiryâ (5â6). Clark, Tom, A Case for Irony in âBeowulfâ, with Particular Reference
to its Epithets, European University Studies, Series 14: Anglo-Saxon
Language and Literature, 402 (Bern: Lang, 2003). âThis thesis springs
from a belief that early Germanic poetry, especially Beowulf, is funnier,
more playful, and more sophisticatedâmore cool even, more nonchalant
in its sophisticationâthan has generally been acknowledgedâ (15).
âsome epithets are ironic simply by virtue of the stance they adopt.
There is no need for particularly close reading of contrastive passages
in the text. The clearest examples of this second possibility are those
instances where the Danes are criticised, whether it be for heathen
practices, for internecine crimes, for disloyalty, et cetera. That is
because the poem has set itself up as a narrative framework for appraising
the behaviour of the âSpear-Danesâ: hu ða ĂŠĂŸelingas / ellen fremedon.
Every shortcoming in the Danes is an ironic take on the stated focus
of the poem. I suspect we can throw the behaviour of all other [135]
nationalities into the same basket: the Geats, the Swedes, the Eotenas,
the Frisians, the Heatho-Bards, the Langobards, the Wulfings, the WĂŠgmundings,
the Wendlas: all those nations provide ĂŠĂŸelingas whose ellen is up
for appraisal in the oem. Every criticism endorsed by this poem, for
whatever reason, of every heroic figure compounds the irnony of that
opening sentenceâ (134â35). Clark Hall, John R., A Concise Anglo-Saxon Dictionary, 4th rev. edn
by Herbet D. Meritt (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1960). *Clarke, D. E. Martin (ed.), The HĂĄvamĂĄl (Cambridge, 1923) Clayton, John, W. Thompson Watkin, Emil HĂŒbner, George Stephens,
âOn the Discovery of roman Inscribed Altars, &c., at Housesteads,
November, 1883â, Archaeologia Aeliana, n. s. 10 (1885), 148ÂÂÂâ72. *Clayton, M., The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Anglo-Saxon England (Cambridge, 1990). Clayton, Mary, âĂlfricâs Judith: Manipulative or Manipulated?â, Anglo-Saxon England, 23 (1994), 215â27. Cleasby, Richard and Gudbrand Vigfusson, An Icelandic-English Dictionary, 2nd edn by William A. Craigie (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1957). s.v. ĂĄlfr II âin historical sense, the Norse district situated between the two great rivers Raumelfr and Gautelfr (Albis Raumarum, et Gotharum) was in the mythical times called Ălfheimar, and its inhabitants Ălfar, Fas. i. 41, 384, 387, Fb. i. 23âŠâ. Well, might be oddly near being right. *The poems of Prudentius / translated by Sister M. Clement Eagan. Publ. info. Washington, D.C. : Catholic University of America Press, 1962-c1965. LOCATION CALL NO. STATUS Level 10 Main Lib Theology HB740 PRU vol. 1 IN LIBRARY Level 10 Main Lib Theology HB740 PRU vol. 2 Clemoes, Peter, âAction in Beowulf and our Perception of itâ, in Old English Poetry: Essays on Style, ed. by Daniel G. Calder (Berkely/London, 1979), pp. 147â68. 147 cited by Higley 1993. âClemoes raises an issue important to literary studies of deixis without marshaling any of the [131] linguistic and pragmatic arguments that he could have [if theyâre like yours, then good thing too], and that is the explicit inclusion of the reader (or hearer) within the point or points of view being presented. His argument is a simple one with complex implicationsâŠâ (130-131). Totally take her point re dodgey subjective readings of Bwf and Gawain scenes thoâ. (her pp? Clemoesâs 147-8). But re bat under beorge bit, âThe embarkation is presented as a process of nature. We sense the fundamental character of this wilsið. The poetâs art lies in giving us a strong sense of the boatâs essential change without impeding it with any overlay of external descriptionâ (152). Reckons this is apparent also in one of aldhelmS riddles (153) etc. Pursues this to a philosophy of âthe innate forces of natureâ (155) with ref to piccies, alfred and aelfric (153-5). okay. Re bwf 864b-65, âIt would be quite foreign to the poetâs mentality to give the act of galloping any further description [than hleapan]. Movement for him is not a matter for objective examination and analysis, as it was to become in the Renaissance. His descriptive adverbs, for instance, make this plain. They are rare and when they occurâearfoðlice (1636), ellenlice (2122), fĂŠste (760), georne (2294), hrĂŠdlice (963), hraĂŸe (224), snude (2568), unmurnlice (449), unwearnun (741), yrringa (1565)âhave to do primarily with the doerâs attitude to the action, his involvement in it, not with the impression which the action makes outside as a movementâŠâ (155). âBeings such as Grendel and the dragon are such powerful narrative images because action is fundamentally indivisible from actor. To the Anglo-Saxons innate menacing action was draconitas and the like. These beasts constitute the idea. That is their reality. That is why they are in the poem Beowulf and in the initials of the Tanner manuscriptâ (156). âIdentity of actor and action has important consequences for characterization. Beowulf lack of fear when he is about to set out for his critical fight with the dragon is accounted for, not merely by a general reference to the many dangers which he has survived since his victories over Grendel and Grendelâs mother (2349b-54a), but also by recounting the positive actions he took to surmount two of the greatest of these dangers (2354b-96), because such past actions characterize irrevocably. They are part of the man. What has been done is part of the doer, whether that is a man or a sword, accumulating--like a manâs wisdom (indeed active experience is an essential part of that wisdom)--as the doerâs existence proceedsâ (160). Hmm, this story business very narrative therapy. Likewise the unferth episodeâthe point is to define an individualâs place in society by advertising variant narratives about him; the best-told wins. Cf. thing in that Oral Tradition collection. Thoâ thatâs less narrative therapy and more just malleable stories to comprehend and change your place in society. Obvious enough really but too little applied to OE stuff. What was Lapidgeâs response to this paper then? Objects as symbols of character/action nexus (amongst other things) but not too clearly expressed (166-7). Clemoes, Peter, Interactions of Thought and Language in Old English Poetry, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England, 12 (Cambridge, 1995). Clover, Carol J., âVá»lsunga saga and the Missing Lai of Marie
de Franceâ, in Sagnaskemmtun: Studies in Honour of Hermann PĂĄlsson
on his 65th Birthday, 26th May 1986, ed. by Rudolf Simek, JĂłnas KristjĂĄnsson
and Hans Bekker-Nielsen, Philologica Germanica, 8 (Vienna: Böhlau, 1986), pp.
79â84. Eliduc missing from Strengleikar and presumably not translated
into that MS (imperfect MS but not enough space; longest of the lais
so already distinctive). Sinfjötli using leaf to fix friend on pattern
of weasels cfâd to Eliduc. Not elsewhere in Boberg Differences easily
explained on literary grounds. So maybe Eliduc omitted from Strengleikar
âcos the guyâs publishing it elsewhere, or itâs already in separate
circulation (83). Sounds fair enough to me. Clover, Carol J., âWarrior Maidens and other Sonsâ, Journal of
English and Germanic Philology, 85 (1986), 35â49. âClover ⊠thought
that valkyries were inspired by Icelandic women who were in an exceptional
position, namely daughters in a family where there were no sons, and
who therefore had to take the position of a sonâ. Hmm, chicken and
egg of course, but you could read it in the other direction. Clover, Carol J., âThe Politics of Scarcity: Notes on the Sex Ratio
in Early Scandinaviaâ, Scandinavian Studies, 60 (1988), 147â88;
repr. in New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, ed. by Helen
Damico and Alexandra Hennessey Olsen (Bloomington: Indiana University
Press, 1990), pp. 100â34. Clover, Carol J., âRegardless of Sex: Men, Women, and Power in Early Northern Europeâ, Speculum, 68 (1993), 363â87; repr. in Studying Medieval Women: Sex, Gender, Feminism, ed. by Nancy Partner (Cambridge: XXXX, 1993), pp. 61â93. [SF2 245.b.99.14] App. argues that early Icelandic gendering is workers (mainly male) vs. women, children, infirm, etc. Chenged by âmedievalisationâ. V. interesting (esp. for social function of Wið FĂŠrstice). In long thing re how women get to do man stuff, âNormally there are enough examples of female graves with âmaleâ objects (weapons, hunting equipment, carpentry tools) to suggest that even in death some women remained marked as exceptionalâ (368; normally?! Footnote alludes to some debate, citing Jesch book, 21â22, 30). âThe examples could be multiplied, but even this summary list should suffice to prompt the paradoxical question: just how useful is the category âwomanâ in apprehending the status of women in early Scandinavia? To put it another way, was femaleness any more decisive in setting parameters on individual behaviour than were wealth, prestige, marital status, or just plain personality and ambition? If femaleness could be overridden by other factors, as it seems to be in the cases I have just mentioned, what does that say about the sex-gender system of early Scandinavia, and what are the implications for maleness? I have [369] no doubt that the âoutstandingâ women I enumerated earler were indeed exceptional; that is presumably why their stories were remembered and recorded. But there is something about the quality and nature of such exceptions, not to say the sheer number of them and the tone of their telling, that suggests a less definitive rule than modern commentators have been inclined to allowâ (368â69). Esp between de jure and de facto status. Woman can become surrogate son if you have no others etc. etc. âI have hesitated over such terms as âfemalenessâ and âmasculinityâ in the above paragraphs, for they seem to me inadequate to what they mean to describe. The modern distinction between sex (biological: the reproductive apparatus) and gender (acquired traits: masculinity and femininity) seems oddly inappropriate to the Norse materialâin much the same way that Cleasby-Vigfussionâs distinction between literal and metaphoric seems oddly inapposite to the semantic fields of the words blauðr and hvatrâ (370). 372ff moves on to concept of âmanâ. Good on nĂð 372â77 âcos she emphs that there are loads of other insults around less focused on by scholars. âIs power a metaphor for sex (so that the charge of poverty boils down to a charge of femaleness), as Meulengracht SĂžrensen argues, or is sex a metaphor for power (so that the charge of nĂð boils down to a charge of powerlessness)? Modern scholarship has tended to assume the former. I incline toward the latter, or toward a particular version of the latter. The insult complex seems to me to be driven, not by the opposition male/female per se, but by the opposition hvatr/blauðr, which works more as a gender continuum than a sexual binary. That is, although the ideal man is hvatr and the typical woman is blauðr, neither is necessarily so; and each can, and does, slip into the territory of the otherâ (377). Partly goes with model which she refers to Thomas Laqueur, Making Sex⊠1990 of a âone-sexâ model where male is ânormalâ (377). âSo the official story, the one told by medical treatises. Popular mythologie were (and to a remarkable degree still are) rather more fluid in their understanding of what parts match whichâ (378). âThe first lesson of the foregoing examples is that bodliy sex was not that decisive. The âconditionsâ that mattered in the northâ[379]the âconditionsâ that pushed a person into another statusâworked not so much at the level of the body, but at the level of social relationsâ (379). âScholars who try to distinguish the feminine from the effeminate by suggesting that the female role was ignominious only when it was assigned to a man and that women and female activities as such were not held in contempt are on shaky ground, for the sources point overwhelmingly to a structure in which women no less than men were held in contempt for womanishness and were admiredâand mentionedâonly to the extent that they showed some âprideâ (as their aggressive self-interest is repeatedly characterized in modern commentaries). Again, it seems likely that Norse society operated according to a one-sex modelâthat there was one sex and it was male. More to the point, there was finally just one âgenderâ, one standard my which persons were judged adequate or inadequate, and it was something like masculineâ (379). âWhat finally excited fear and loathing in the Norse mind is not femaleness per se, but the condition of powerlessness, the lack or loss of volition, with which femaleness is typically, but neither inevitably nor exclusively, associated. By the same token, what prompts admiration is not maleness per se, but sovereignty of the sort enjoyed mostly and typically and ideally, but not solely, by menâ (379)âhmm, interesting re male cross-dressing in ASE? You gain power, not lose it, so itâs okay? âLet me take this a step further and propose that to the extent
that we can speak of a social binary, a set of two categories into which
all persons were divided, the fault line runs not between males and
females per se, but between able-bodied men (and the exceptional woman)
on the one hand and, on the other, a kind of rainbow coalition of everyone
else (most women, children, slaves, and old, disabled, or otherwise
disenfranchised men)â (380). Fair enough but as she implicitly reckons,
a bit unsubtle. 381â85 re old men shifting gender. 385â finishes
with Xian FX on systemââmedievalisationâ (her ââ and mine!).
âThe documentary sources, dating as they do from the Christian period,
are notoriously slippery, but no reader of them can escape the impression
that the new order entailed a radical remapping of gender in the north.
More particularly, one has the impression that femaleness became more
sharply defined and contained ⊠and it seems indisputably the case
that as Norse culture assimilated notions of weeping monks and fainting
knights, âmasculinityâ was rezoned, as it were, into territories
previouslt occupied by âeffeminacyâ ⊠(The expansion of the masculine
was presumably predicated on the fixing of the female and her relocation
at a safe distance.)â (385). ie. in the direction of two-sex thinking,
which has a long run-up to C18 (385â86). Clunies Ross, Margaret, âThe Myth of Gefjon and Gylfi and its Function
in Snorra Edda and Heimskringlaâ, Arkiv för nordisk filologi, 93
(1978), 149â65. Erm, yeah, sees Gefjon as avatar of Freyja, sees Danish
spin on both Bragi and Snorriâs tellings of stories, diff. uses in
diff. sources, etc. Clunies Ross, Margaret, âConcubinage in Anglo-Saxon Englandâ,
Past and Present, 108 (1985), 3â34. Re breaches of mund, in which
offending man must pay womanâs guiardian, âIt is difficult to tell
how much punishment was meted out to the woman in these cases; presumably
the lawsâ silence indicates that her punishment was considered to
be a private matter between herself and her [10] guardianâ (9â10;
9â11 covers other Gmc societies etc. including some nasty stuff but
also Bonficaeâs complaint that Mercians are too lax). Otherwise basically
argues that Anglo-Saxon artisos did have concubinage, could choose whether
or not to allow illegitimate kids to inherit, and that this produced
tensions with church. Much as youâd expect. Clunies Ross, Margaret, SkĂĄldskaparmĂĄl: Snorri Sturlusonâs Ars
Poetica and Medieval Theories of Language (Odense, 1986). 55-58 re use
of Elucidarius and infl. on vocab. Clunies Ross, Margaret, âThe Development of Old Norse Textual Worlds:
Genealogical Structure as a Principle of Literary Organisation in Early
Icelandâ, Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 92 (1993), 372â85.
âAlthough it would be facile to assert that Icelandic scholars and
their patrons were driven only by self-interest, I think it can be shown
that the desire to demonstrate respectability if not superiority of
family connections played a very large part in the development of many
kinds of writing in medieval Icelandâ (379)âfair enough, but maybe
contrast in saying that they also want to Xianise? Clunies Ross, Margaret, Prolonged Echoes: Old Norse Myths in Medieval Northern Society, 2 vols, The Viking Collection: Studies in Northern Civilization, 7, 10 (Odense: Odense University Press, 1994â98). i 70: âThe physical attributes of the gods as a class do not show the same kind of ambivalence as those of the giants, though individual deities, notably Ăðinn, Loki and ĂĂłrr, have qualities that would be valued negatively if they belonged to members of a subordinate group. The point is, though, that the dominant class can use attributes that would otherwise be thought a point of weakness as a source of strength and powerâ (i 70, citing Ăðinn and Loki 70â72). i 85â186 citable as her interpretation of myths as revolving centrally around issues of procreation, marriage and females as tokens in inter-group exchanges. On which basis it wouldnât be surprising if elves had something to do with the whole deal⊠35-8: mound burial as inherently pagan and significant. but she doesnât develop the lines that I would. âWe have already seen in Chapter 3 that the genealogical orientation of medieval Icelandic literature is broadly comparable with the dynastic histories of twelfth- and thirteenth-century France, particularly Northern France, and Englandâ (85). Hmm, does this tie in with the whole birth of prose history thing in Romancing the PastâŠ? This the model for why sagas are prose? âIn many cases, however, Icelandic writers reveal a range of essentially sympathetic attitudes towards the pagan past, and, perhaps jusr as significant as the fact of their sympathy, they do not refrain from remembering and representing it in their literary fictions. In fact, they frequently recreate the time before Christianity, often in a way that reflects the Christian modes of thought that under-pinned their general world view. In this respect, the advent of literacy gave Icelandic writers the freedom to recreate the past, incorporating oral traditions, while, it has been argued, the churchmen of much of the rest of medieval Europe often used literacy as a powerful tool in the selective âforgettingâ of those parts of their past culture they did not regard as appropriate, by omitting them from the literate record. Those inappropriate parts, in most instances, had blatantly pagan associations or involved cultural practices of which the Church disapprovedâ (ii 82). âGerd Weber has probably done most in recent times to impress upon the scholarly world the extent of medieval Icelandic writersâ indebtedness to a Christian paradigm of history in their representations of local events. He points to a watershed effect in saga writing which distinguishes events that took place in the pre-conversion age from those that took place after it, when Icelanders had the advantage of the Christian faith and Godâs grace to guide their lives. There is much evidence that saga writers were aware of this fundamental Christian distinction between those who enjoyed the advantages of Christian revelation and those who did not. The presence in many sagas of the figure of the ânoble heathenâ, who anticiptes Christian ideology and ethics though he lives before the time of Christian revelation, demonstrates this perspective in saga literatureâ (ii 100). Can this be developed? And follow *Weber refs. Vatnshyrna MS as displaying âan obvious taste for the supernaturalâ (110). Does Pulsiano encyc have thisâotherwise work out contents from MCRs prose. BĂĄrðar saga, ĂĂłrðar saga hreðu, LaxdĂŠla saga all seem to have links, and appear together in Vatns/pseudo-Vatns. One link being Miðfjarður-Skeggi Skinna-Bjarnarson (114), whom she considerd to p. 121. âOn the one hand there was pride in a specifically Icelandic share in the legendary past of Scandinavia, because Skeggiâs acquisition of a sword from a royal grave mound signifies, as we have seen in Chapter 2âs analysis of the significance of the haugr in Iceland, something approaching the transfer of royal power. And in BĂĄrðar saga Skeggiâs relationship to the supernatural world is dignified and sympathetic. On the other hand, all these associations place him squarely in the pagan past and signal that he belongs to a world that has been supplanted by new ways and new beliefsâ (ii, 121). *Coates, J., Women, Men and Language: A Sociolinguistic Account of Sex Differences in Language (London, 1986) Coates, Richard, The Place-Names of Hampshire: Based on the Collection of the English Place-Name Society (London: Batsford,1989) [498.8.c.95.31 NF3] NB thereâs a 1993 thing of almost the same name in West Room. Coates, Richard, âVerulamium, the Romano-British Name of St Albansâ,
Studia Celtica, 39 (2005), 169â76. Reckons that the stress was actually
on the second to last syllable because it resolves some phonological
difficulties. âSo, I suggest that British *WerulĂŁâmijon was latinized
into what we see written as <Verulamium>, stressed *Verulaâmium.
I have noted that the problem of the spelling <a> in the syllable
written <-lam-> can be solved by postulating that OE adopted the
spoken Latin form rather than the Brittonic one, and that a spoken Latin
source might account for the shape of the OE third syllable (without
a final consonant) better than the Brittonic one 8with a final consonant).
It is highly unusual for English to adopt a place-names in a Latin form.
I have claimed elsewhere that there is no certain instance of a pre-English
name adopted by English with its pronunciation uninfluenced by Brittonic,
and that includes all those of Latin origin [2000, 8]; in that context,
the taking up of a Brittonic name modified by Latin pronunciation is
surprisingâ (173).h Coates, Richard, âInvisible Britons: the view from linguisticsâ,
University of Sussex Working Papers in Linguistics and English Language,
<http://www.sussex.ac.uk âMy purpose in this paper is to argue that, whatever may come from archaeology, the linguistic evidence favours the traditional view, at least for the south and east.â (1). Ie that the Britons disappear. âThe reasoning will be based not merely on the relatively small amount of place-name and vocabulary borrowing in this area, but on comparison with the linguistic consequences of other invasions and conquests by military aristocracies and the settlers who may or may not have followed them. I argue that there is no reason to believe large-scale survival of an indigenous population could so radically fail to leave linguistic traces.â (2) âWe need to confront the apparent paradox that the Angles and Saxons seem content to have taken some place-names from the Britons - not an enormous number, but, overall, not negligible either - and yet took practically no Brittonic vocabulary in the earliest centuries of settlement. There was practically no early lexical traffic in the other direction either (Parry-Williams 1923: ch. 2), and all we have for sure is the talismanic word cyulis â(Saxon long)shipsâ in Gildas (de excidio Britanniae §23), which is actually nothing more than a mention rather than a use - Gildas glosses it in the running Latin of his text - and therefore not certainly a borrowing.â (3). âIt has generally been assumed that what is true of river-names is also true of other categories of place-names, though no nationwide mappings of other categories of early place-names exist. Partial information is given by Hogg (1964), who maps surviving RB place-names in England (amended in Gelling (1988); NB not Celtic ones unrecorded in RB sources), and by Gelling (1992: figs. 29-34), who gives maps showing Brittonic and other ancient names in the counties of the west midlands (exemplified by her fig. 30), and (1988: 91) a map showing names indicating the presence of Britons, some of which of course are English names.â (6) Cite this stuff to emphasise Bethâs importance. 7â9 late-type Brittonic names clustered in N-W Wilts, with corresponding material culture too. 9â12 survey of Brittonic loan-words in OE (emphing that theyâre few). Handy. And then seeks parallels for this 12â17, cuminating in âI know of no case where a political ascendancy has imposed its own language without significant impact from the language of the conquered.â (15) Coatsworth, Elizabeth and Michael Pinder, The Art of the Anglo-Saxon
Goldsmith: Fine Metalwork in Anglo-Saxon England, its Practice and Practitioners,
Anglo-Saxon Studies, 2 (Cambridge: Boydell, 2002). On FrC 181â83;
into the idea that it shows laming (182); âThe hammer hovering in
front of Weland, as if held by a third hand, suggests we are meant to
see this as an âaction shotâ in which he is ready to shape the bowl/skullâ
[ie. the head in the tongs] (183). Cross shaft at Halton, Lncs has smith
stuff re Reginn, Bailey, Englandâs Earliest Sculptors, fig 47, p.
92. 198â on Judaeo-Xian trad being down on smiths Cockayne, Oswald (ed.), Leechdoms, Wortcunning and Starcraft of Early England, 3 vols, The Rolls Series, 35 (London, 1864â68). I. 259 n. b re Herbarium 140, âWhite hellebore = Veratrum album, Bot., is not a native of England. The drawing is lost. See the glossary in Tungilsinwyrt. Only a groundwork of this article is in Dioskorides, iv. 150. The Vienna MS. draws Ver. alb.â II 368 (glossary to Leechbok) s.v. Ăsc: âCeaster ĂŠsc, helleborus nigerm black hellebore, which has leaves like those of the ash. âEliforus (read Helleborus), â wede ber3e (mad berry) vel ceaster â ĂŠsc,â Gl.Cleop. fol. 36 b. Lacn. 39.â II 409 âTungilsinwyrt,fem.,gen. âe, white hellebore? Veratrum album, for it seems probable enough, that Tunsingwyrt, Hb. cxl. and Gl. Dun., is a contraction of this older form. Lb. I. xlvii. 3.â (ii 409) III 330 âHamorwyrt, gen. âe, fem., black hellebore, helleborus niger. Hamor which occurs in DyĂŸhamor can only be a herb; and as in Gl. vol. II. the gll. are wrong, (add. Gl. Mone. 322a,) we must supposed the three German separate flosses in Graff. iv. 954, Hemera, elleborum, gratiana, melampodium, to give us the true key. Melampodium is black hellebore (Dief.), a gratiana may refer to its acceptableness as the Christmas rose. âHemera gentiana,â in Gl. Hoffm. 6, should be read gratiana.â (iii 330). III 337 âLungenwyrt, gen. âe, fem., Lungwort, pulmonaria officinalis.
Gl. vol. II. // 2. Golden lungwort, hieracium pulmonarium. Gl. vol.
II. // Cows lungwort, helleborus niger. So Gl. M. See Oxnalib, and Setterwort:
used as a seton to cure pleuropneumonia; Gl. Rawl. C. 607. But H. albus,
Gl. Laud. 536.â Coe, Jonathon Baron, âThe Place-Names of the Book of Llandafâ
(Unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Wales, Aberystwyth, 2001) Cohen, Esther, âThe Animated Pain of the Bodyâ, American HistoricalReview,
105 (2000), 36â68. Towards a history of the gestures of pain. Late
medieval. Not relevant to me but interesting. *Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, âThe Limits of Knowing Monsters and the
Regulation of Medieval Popular Cultureâ, Medieval Folklore, 3 (1994),
1â37. Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, âMonster Culture (Seven Theses)â, in Monster Theory: Reading Culture, ed. by Jeffrey Jerome Cohen (London: XXXX, 1996), pp. 3â25. âThe monster is born only at this metaphorical crossroads, as an embodiment of a certain cultural momentâof a time, a feeling, and a place. The monsterâs body quite literally incorporates fear, desire, anxiety, and fantasy (ataractic or incendiary), giving them life and an uncanny independence. The monstrous body is pure cultureâ (4). âLyacon, the first werewolf in Western LiteratureâŠâ (12). Meaning, of course, the first in surviving known western lit. If an earlier papyrus turned up tomorrow with an earlier werewolf, this statement would still be taken to have been true when it was written, sort it. Interesting. (Not in Cohen thoâ!) Not generally a very engaging piece. âThis power to evade and to undermine has cursed through the monsterâs
blood from classical times, when despite all the attempts of Aristotle
(and later Pliny, Augustine, and Isidore) to incorportate the monstrous
races into a coherent epitemological system, the monster always escaped
to return to its habitations at the margins of the world (a purely conceptual
locus rather than a geographical one)â (6). 7â12, esp. 7â8 re
monsters as ethnic others. âWhereas monsters born of political expedience
and self-justifying nationalism function as living invitations to action
⊠the monster of prohibition polices the borders of the possible of
the possible, interdicting through its grotesque body some behaviours
and actions, envaluing othersâ (13). Cohen, Jeffrey Jerome, Of Giants: Sex, Monsters, and the Middle Ages,
Medieval Cultures, 17 (London, 1999). 115-16 mention elves. Cohn, Norman, Europeâs Inner Demons: The Demonization of Christians
in Medieval Christendom, rev. ed. (London: Pimlico, 1993). âAt this
point Issobelâs interrogators cut her short: she was straying too
far from the demonological material they required. After a further three
weeks in gaol she produced a version in which the fairies were duly
integrated into the Devilâs kingdomâ (159), goes with âsmall hunch-backed
elvesâ (159). COldiron, A. E. B. âPublic sphere/contact zone: Habermas, early print, and verse translationâ, Criticism, 46.2 (Spring 2004), 207â 22 Criticism, Spring, 2004 by A.E.B. Coldiron http://muse.jhu.edu/journals *Coleman, Julie, âThe Chronology of French and Latin Loan-Words
in Englishâ, Transactions of the Philological Society, 93 (1995),
95â124. May be useful re fairie and prostitution terms. Coleman, Julie, Love, Sex and Marriage: A Historical Thesaurus (Amsterdam,
1999). Based on THE material with supplements (Coleman 2001, 70 n 2). Coleman, Julie, âLexicology and Medieval Prostitutionâ, in Lexis and Texts in Early English: Studies Presented to Jane Roberts, ed. by Christian Kay and Louise M. Sylvester, Costerus New Series, 133 (Amsterdam, 2001), pp. 69â87. [TOE] âmakes it possible to locate all relevant recorded English terms within any specific semantic fieldâ (69). No. âThe lexical data provided by the TOE and HTE [no italics sic] will be used by scholars to support historical and literary material in an accessible and convincing way. It will also be used in place of other evidence, and, more significantly, will sometimes suggest misleading conclusionsâ (70). NB âWhat is clear is that a careful reading of the lexical evidence can complement the findings of historical studies, and might suggest new areas for investigation. However, reference to lexis without considering history and context can lead to misleading conclusions. TOE and HTE are mines of information, but their users mustbe alert for foolsâ goldâ (86)âcertainly true, but also for missed seams. Gives slightly expanded HTE entry for relevant words 70â71; âThere was clearly no shortage of terminology for prostitution at any point during the medieval period. What is noteworthy is that so little of the vocabulary continues from the Old to the Middle English periodâ (71)âbut re 1st bit, there are gaps for OE and most if not all OE is glosses, some marked as nonce. So how do we know they donât reflect a shortage? No dating of OE texts as in HTE⊠âTerms for âprostituteâ and âprostitutionâ follow much the same pattern, in that few OE terms survive beyond the Anglo-Saxon period. There is no continuity at all in terms for âbrothelâ: Old English terms become obsolete, and nothing replaces them until the early fourteenth century. There is some lexicalisation of prostitutesâ clients in the late fourteenth century, but not to any significant extent until the late fifteenthâ (71). Meretrix, whore, quean, whoredom are the words showing overlap. But she NBs some OE problemsâmost only in glossaries (74); others in translation contexts: âThese too tell us little about prostitution in Anglo-Saxon England. Forlegeswif, for instance, which glosses meretrix, occurs only once in connected prose, where welearn that St Lucia is taken to a forlegeswifa huse âhouse of prostitutesâ as a punishment for refusing to deny her faith. Similarly scandhus, the only term for a brothel not restricted to glosses, occurs twice in an account of the attempt to defile St Agnes. These occurrences may prove that the Anglo-Saxons understood the concept of organised prostitution, but not that it was a familiar feature of Anglo-Saxon society. // The use of prostitute and prostitution in definitions of OE terms tends to imply greater specificity than we have any evidence for. Geliger and geligernes âprostitutionâ can refer to unchaste thoughts and behaviour as well as specifically to prostitution, which ought to urge caution when the terms are found with the specific sense only in glosses. In addition, it is difficult to isolate uses of forlegnis and cifes that refer unequivocally to prostitutes in connected Old English prose. In fact, âconcubineâ is usually the best definition for cifes in such contextsâ (75). Likewise scylcen no good; horcwene < hĂłrkona maybe just âfornicateuseâ, cf. horing âfornicatorâ; miltestre (?<meretrix, which it glosses) more promising âcos in Wulfstan and Ălfric, but both times linked to child murderers and thoâ she seems not to realise it, potentially textually related sermons, no? Doh! And Ălfric could just have it from a gloss. Cwene has no good ev. pre 1290 as âprostituteâ despite Clark-Hall. Doesnât discuss etymologies which strikes me as a serious error [Kitson had an article pleading for etymologies in DOE, maybe in that Dutch kluger online major journal?âcite?] (these all 76). Meretrix sometimes occurs straight from Latin (76-77); âit could be argued with some justice that meretrix was never really an English term at allâ (77). Nice para on variables in understanding glosses, much like my section ut without the text crit (77). NBs meretrix in med lat can mean âpromiscuous womanââmaybe so for A-Ss? Do A-Sâs know diff between fornication and prostitution? (77). âIt is not until the beginning of the fourteenth century that we
see a new and complete lexis for prostitution developââjust artefact
of evidence survival? (77). Etymological bit re these 77-78. âTerms
from French are common in all semantic fields during this period, but
they constitute an unusually high proportion of the lexis of prostitutionâ.
Citing Coleman 1995 no p. no. Goes thru similar ME problems 77â85.
âLexical evidence for prostitution is potentially misleading because
of the temptation to project our modern understanding of prostitution
back onto medieval terms. We consider there to be a clear distinction
between a prostitute and a woman who has sex with someone she is not
married to, but there is no evidence [?? a bit risky] that the exchange
of money for sexual favours was a significant component of the concept
âprostitutionâ in the medieval periodâ (85). âOtis suggests
that an urban cash-based economy is necessary for the development of
a class of socially identifiable prostitutes who support themselves
primarily be prostitution. It may be significant, then, that the beginning
of widespread organised prostitution in England appears to [86] have
coincided with the increase in wage-labour seen after the plagues of
the fourteenth centuryâ (86)âmaybe earlier in France on lexical
ev.? (86). Maybe similar conditions in Danelaw âcos of big Danish
armies to service? She speculates (86). Colgrave, Bertram (ed. and trans.), Two âLivesâ of Saint Cuthbert: A Life by an Anonymous Monk of Lindisfarne and Bedeâs Prose Life (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1940). Anon Life written between 698 (Câs tranlsation) and 705 (Aldfrithâs death. Handy! i.v âOn another occasion, also in his youth, while he was still leading a secular life, and was feeding the flocks of his master on the hills near the river which is called the Leader, in the company of other shepherds, he was spending the night in vigil according to his custom...â (69) âAlio quoque tempore in adolescentia sua, dum adhuc esset in populari uita, quando in montanis iuxta fluuium quod dicitur Ledir [Ledyr B], cum aliis pastoribus pecora domini sui pascebat, pernoctans in uigiliis secundum morem eius...â (68). As Colgraveâs note emphasises, Bede omits the pn; Leader joins the Tweed two miles below Melrose (313). C i.6 Bede likewise omits name of Chester-le-Street, Kuncacester; âThis story emphasises the fact that a large part of County Durham was deserted country until well on into the Anglo-Saxon period. The rarity of Anglian pagan burials in the county emphasises the same fact. The writer of the Vita S. Oswaldi in the eleventh century declares that the land between the Tees and the Tyne was in the sixth century one vast deserted region and haunt of wild beatsâ re VSO ch. 1 (314).âUnum adhuc miraculum quod in iuuentute sua ei contigit, non omitto. Pergenti namque eo ab austro ad flumen quod Uuir [Wear] nominatur, in eo loco ubi Kuncacester [var. Kunnacester O2, Concalestir H, Cuncacestir T, Concalestyr B, Concarestir P] dicitur, et transuadato eo ad habitacula uernalia et aestualia, propter imbrem et tempestatem reuersus estâ (70). ii.3 has mailros (78) and Colodesbyrig (80). ii.4 Mailros and ânauigans ad terram Pictorum, ubi dicitur Niuduera regioâ (82). ii.5 mentions river Teviot. âSupradictus autem presbiter Tydi aliud miraculum quod multis cognitum est indicauit. Alia die proficiscebat iuxta fluuium Tesgeta tendens in meridiem inter montana docens rusticanos et baptizabat eos. Habens quoque puerum in comitatu eius secum ambulantem, dixit ad eum, Putasne quis tibi hodie prandium preparauit? Cui respondente, nullum in illa uia scire cognatum [86] et nec ab alienis incognitis aliquid genus misericordiae sperantem, seruus autem Domini, iterum ait ad eum, Confide fili, Dominus prouidebit uictum sperantibus in se, qui dixit, [lots of biblical quotations...] .... [eagle miraculously catches them a fish] Aliisque dederunt, et satiati adorantes Dominum gratiasque agentes in uoluntate Dei, ad montana ut supra diximus proficiscenbant docentes et baptizantes eos, in nomine patris et filii, et spiritus sancti [Matth. 28. 19]. // VI. De prophetia qua praeuidit inludere diabolum aditores eius // Eo tempore ibi inter montana baptizans ut diximus inuilla quadam, uerbum Domini secundum morem euis diligenter docuitâ (84/86). So heâs going south along Teviotdale. Er, where is that? And how does it relate to possible p-Celtic doings? âThe form Tesgeta which occurs in all the MSS is due to a misreading of Tefgeta, caused by the easy confusion between an s and an f in the insular script. The same mistake occurs apparently in iv, 10 where Ofingadun becomes Osingadun. The Teviot is a Roxburghshire river, the largest tributary of the Tweedâ (322). ii.7 visits KENSWITH a wido âad uillam in qua habitabant, quae dicitur Hruringahamâ (90); âHruringaham. This place had not been identified. Judging from 1, 5 it must be somewhere near the River Leader and the Lammermuir Hills and in the neighbourhood of Melroseâ (323). ii.8 fantastic description of mad possessed woman and the shame it brings upon her. Cool! iii.1 contextualises all the foregoing doings by opening with âBene igitur in supradicto cenobio quod Mailros dicitur, praepositus sanctus Cuðberhtus seruiens Domino et plura mirabilia per eum Dominus faciens...â (94). i.3 âEx quibus [miraculis] est quod cuiusdam comitis Aldfridi regis nomine Hemma in regione quae dicitur Kintis [Kyntis O2, Hintis TP] habitans, uxor eius pene usque ad mortem infirmitatis languore detinebaturâ (114). N. says the place is unidentified. iv.4 mentions unidentified place called Bedesfeld iv.5 âSimile quoque huic aliud miraculum ostentione multorum probabilium uirorum qui praesentes fuerant ex quibus est Penna sine dubio didici dicentis. Quodam tempore episcopus sanctus proficiscens ab Hagustaldesae, tendebat ad ciuitatem quae Luel dicitur. Mansio tamen in media uia facta est, in regione ubi dicitur Ahse [ĂŠhse A, Echse TP]. Namque congregato populo de montanis, manum potens super capita singulorum, liniens unctione consecrata benedixerat uerbum Dei predicans, manserat ibi duos dies. Interea itaque uenerunt mulieres [118] portantes quendam iuuenem, in grabato iacentem. Deportaueruntque eum in silua, haud procul a tentoriis nostris ubi erat sanctus episcopus, et rogauerunt eum per nuntium adiurantes in nomine Domini nosti Iesu Christi, ut...â Place-names, public speech, mountains and tents. Pers. name in Pen-. âAhse. The only guess that has been made as to the identity of this region, between Hexham and Carlisle, is that of Cadwallader Bates (Arch. Ael. N.S. xvi, 1894, pp. 81ff.), who suggested Aesica or Great Chesters, a station on the Roman wall. One objection to this is that Ahse is stated to be a region. // Tents. St Patrick also used tents when journeying ... âTabernaculoâ, says Bede, âsolemus in itinere uel in bello utiâ (Expositio in II Epist. Patri, cap. 1; Opp. xii, 249â (332). RivetâSmith 1979, 242 a bit more optimistic, quoting some other secondary work. iv.6 âin quodam uico qui dicitur Medil ïžongâ, unidentified (119). Colg. records suggestions of Middletons in Inderton and Belford (cf.ing Mawer 142). iv.7 report of an ex layman and servant of a certain minister (gesith): âEo autem tempore quo sanctus episcopus inter populares uerbum Dei praedicans, cepit pergere a domino meo nomine Sibba Ecgfridi regis comite, iuxta fluuium etiam quod dicitur Tïžide habitante, inuitatus ad uicum euis cum psalmis et ymnis cantantibus religiose peruenitâ (120). Gesith of Ecgfrith on the Tweedâtells us something about political power/influence? iv.8 âad ciutatem Luelâ (122). For the story of the prophecy of Ecgfrithâs death. Looks quite like Bedeâs version from what I recall. iv.9 âAd eandem supradictam ciuitatem Luel quidam anachorita probabilis nomine Hereberht, ab insulis occidentalis maris ante ad eum assidue pergens, ad episcopi nunc conloquium tetenditâ (124); Colgrave translates mare as âlakeâ (125), presumably on the basis of Bede, identifying as Derwentwater, containing St Herbertâs Isle (335). iv.10 mentions Osingadun âin parrochia eiusâ [Cuthbertâs] (for
Ovington) Colgrave, Bertram (ed. and trans.), Felixâs Life of Saint Guthlac (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1956). Ch. 31 re demons carrying Glc to Hell, âErant enim aspectu truces,forma terribiles, capitibus magnis, collis longis, macilenta facie, lurido vultu, squalida barba,auribus hispidis, fronte torva, trucibus oculis, orefoetido, dentibus equineis, gutture flammivomo, faucibus tortis, labro lato, vocibus horrisonis, comis obustis, buccula crassa, pectore arduo, femoribus scabris, genibus nodatis, cruribus uncis, talo tumido, plantis aversis, ore patulo, clamoribus raucisonisâ (102). xlviii: Quomodo Ecgburge interroganti se respondisse fertur heredem
post se venturum iam paganum fuisse // Alterius denique temporis praelabentibus
circulis reverentissima virgo virginum Christi et sponsarum Ecgburh
abbatissa, Adulfi regis filia, ad sublimium meritorum venerabilem virum
Guthlacum sarcofagumplumbeum linteumque in eo volutum transmisit, quo
virum Dei post obitum circumdari rogabat, adiurans per nomen terribile
ac venerabile superni regis, seque ad patibulum dominicae crucis erigens
in indicium supplicis deprecationis extensis palmis, ut in officium
praedictum vir Dei illud munus susciperet; per nuntium alterius fidelis
fratris praecipiens, ut hoc indicium coram illo faceret, supplici rogatu
mittebat. Addidit quoque ut ab illo sciscitaretur, quis loci illius
post obitum heres futurus foret. Qui cum sanctae virginis fidele munus
gratulanter suscepisset, de eo, quod interrogatus est, [148] respondisse
fertur, illius loci heredem in gentili populo fuisse necdum ad baptismatis
lavacrum devenisse, sed mox futurum fore dicebat; quod spiritu providentiae
dixisse eventus futurae re probavit [Gen. 41.13]. Nam ipse Cissa, qui
nunc nostris temporibus sedem Guthlaci viri Dei possidet, post annos,
ut et ipse narrate solet, lavacrum baptismatis in Britannia percepitâ
(146/48). âHow when Echburgh questioned him, he is said to have answered
that his heir and successor was then a pagan // On another occasion,
some time after, the most reverend maiden Ecgburh, abbess of the virgins
and brides of Christ and daughter of King Aldwulf, sent to Guthlac,
that venerable man of high merit, a leaden coffin with a linen cloth
folded up un it, and asked that the mad of God might be wrapped therein
after his death; she invoked him by the teriible and awful name of the
heavenly king, with arms outstretched in the form of the cross of our
Lord and with palms extended in token of humble prayer, that the man
of God would receive the gift for this said purpose. She instructed
another faithful proether that he should make this sign in Guthlacâs
presence, and sent him with thus humble request. She also added that
he should ask him who he was to inerit that place after his deth. When
he had gratefully received the faithful gift of the holy virgin, he
is said to have [149] answered her question by saying that he who was
to inherit his place was still among the pagan people and had not yet
approached the baptismal font, but it would soon come to pass; and that
he had spoken thus by spritiual foresight, future event proved. For
Cissa, who now in our times possesses the seat of Guthlac the nam of
God, some years afterwards received baptism in Britain, as he is accustomed
to narrateâ (147/49). I think Higham would see the mention of Brittain
here as a hint at Felixâs external perspective. Felix states Cissa
as a source in prologue too, pp. 60â64, at 64. This happens some time
after the consecration of Gâs island and his consecration as a priest.
When was that? 21st August, but what year?!Have a look at secondary
sources. Câs notes donât say :-( Colgrave, Bertram (ed. and trans.), The Earliest Life of Gregory
the Great, by an Anonymous Monk of Whitby (Lawrence: University of Kansas
Press, 1968) Colgrave, Bertram and R. A. B. Mynors (eds), Bedeâs Ecclesiastical History of the English People, corr. repr. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1991). âIn the whole work, as it appears in the consensus of our oldest and best copies, there are perhaps thirty-two places (in nearly 300 printed pages) where some defect of sense or syntax suggests that correction is required. But even this small quantum of error is not what it seems. In twenty-six of these places, Bede is transcribing from an earlier source ⊠That 80 per cent. of these mistakes should occur in quoted documents can hardly be accidental. Perhaps these deficiencies were already in Bedeâs sources; perhaps, when he had a written source, he or his amanuenses transcribed it very accurately, including even its errors, and the [xl] result was faithfully transmitted by the transcribers of the finished work. Three examples will make this almost certain: âŠâ (xxxixâxl). Regarding the other six mistakes in all the oldest MSS suggests we may have a glimpse into partial corrections in final draft xl. v.13 (498â502 text/499â503 trans) re a bloke, unnamed, in reign
of Coenred in Mercia. Bunch of demons turn up and have him read from
a book of his sins. Then leader speaks. âDicebatque ad illos, qui
mihi adsederant, uiros albatos et praeclaros: âQuid hic sedetis scientes
certissime quia noster est iste?â [n. 1 âThis phrase is a reminiscence
of some Irish or Old English apocrypha dealing with the fate of the
soul in the next life. The cry of the angels or devils, whichever won
the fight for the departing soul, was Noster est ille homo or similar
words. See R. Willard, Two Apocrypha in Old English Homilies (Leipzig,
1935), pp. 95ff.â cf. Glc A] Responderunt: âVerum dicitis; accipite,
et in cumulum damnationis uestrae ducite.â Quo dicto statim disparuerunt;
surgentesque duo nequissimi spiritus, habentes in manibus uomeres, [n.
2: âVomeres âŠ[re text prob. that itâs mainly omitted but added
in by Leningrad and Moore]⊠would normally mean ploughshares but uomer
can mean short pointed instrument and, in the OE. translation, is [501]
rendered by handseax meaning dagger or knife. In an Old English charm
against stitch the sudden pain is attributed to little knives (called
seax in one place), shot by witches âŠref⊠It is possibly some such
folklore idea which is preserved in the storyâ] percusserunt me, unus
in capite et alius in pede; qui uidelicet modo cum magno tormento inrepunt
in interiora corporis mei, moxque ut ad se inuicem perueniunt, moriar,
et paratis ad rapiendum me daemonibus in inferni claustra pertrahar.â
// Sic loquebatur mis desperans, et not multo post defunctus, paenitentiam,
quam in breue tempus cum fructu ueniae facere supersedit, in aeternum
sine fructu poenis subditus facit.â (500). Collingwood, R. G. and R. P. Wright, The Roman Inscriptions of Britain I: Inscriptions on Stone (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1965) Collingwood, W. G. and JĂłn StefĂĄnsson, The Life and Death of Cormac the Skald, Viking Club Translation Series, 1 ([Ulverston: Holmes, 1902]), available as a pdf at http://vsnrweb-publications.org.uk/Cormac%20the%20Skald.pdf Colman, Fran, âAnglo-Saxon Pennies and Old English Phonologyâ,
Folia Linguistica Historica, 5 (1984), 91â143. Colman, Fran, âWhat is in a name?â, in Historical Dialectology,
ed. by Jacek Fisiak (Berlin, 1988), pp. 111â37. Hh Bg Historical âGesta
quote! âThe conventional view about Old English dialectology is expressed
by Campbell: ââŠit is not possible to draw a dialect map of England
in the Old English period ⊠This âimpossibilityâ of a precise
dialect/region mapping arises because few Old English manuscripts can
be locatedâ (111). 114ff. useful stuff re ĂŠlC. Colman, Fran, âNeutralisation: On Characterising Distinctions between
Old English Proper Names and Common Nounsâ, Leeds Studies in English,
20 (1989), 249-70. Not very exciting. Colman, Fran, Money Talks: Reconstructing Old English, Trends in
Linguistics Studies and Monographs, 56 (Berlin, New York, 1992). nb
1-16, 35-69. ââŠin other cases identification is not possible: cf.
the notorious <ĂL-> forms at Oxford, representing either Ăthel-
or Ălf- (see the Appendix; Colman 1981a; Freeman 1986: 448 ff.)â
(5) and also see Smart 1997. âBut names undoubtedly have a different
function from common nouns, best expressed in terms of Lyonsâ (1977,
1: § 7.5) formulation: names have reference, but not senseâ (12).
Refs there. âBut here I would stress that etymological association
between Old English proper names and common nouns in no way contradicts
the claim (above) that names have reference but not âsenseâ or âmeaningâ
â (14). Hence element-substitution 14-15. âI aim here by no means
to dismiss etymology, but to distinguish between an etymologically based
account of Old English name-formation (particularly related to the sorts
of names on the coins), and a synchronic description of the late Old
English onomastic system based on analyses of eleventh-century coin
dataâ (21). 33 lists âĂŠlf not as name element in her corpus (but
does have Ălf-). Cf 46, listed as âfirst element onlyâ. No alf
at all in north gmc names on 33, thoâ does show As-. 67-9 useful but
cautionary stuff on paronomasia. chap 3 pp. 71-125 r etymologies of
names in corpus. Cool. Colman, Fran, âNames will never Hurt meâ, in Studies in English
Language and Literature: âDoubt Wiselyâ; Papers in Honour of E.
G. Stanley, edited by M. J. Toswell and E. M. Tyler (London: Routledge,
1996), pp. 13-28 [eng a26 sta2]. 13-16 argues for a tendency for wordsâ
inflexions to be reanalysed to fit the gender of the name-bearer. 16-17
re ĂŠlf and ielf and Ilfracombe (rec. 1279 Charter Rolls as Ilfridecumbe
[Ekwall], 17). Consistentish ĂŠ in elf-names even in WS would perhaps
raise questions re its transparency thoâ. 22â25 discussing problems
with *alC in Kentish: I-mut outcomes always âanglianâ (+ĂŠ >
e) but non-I-mut anglian early on (early charters) and later WS-looking,
incl. in ME. Tentatively goes for WS infl. Citable re issues of ĂŠlf
etc. in WS having a more complex background than stammbaum approaches
would suggest. Colman, Fran, â âElvesâ and Old English Proper Namesâ, in
From Runes to Romance: A Festschrift for Gunnar Persson on his Sixtieth
Birthday, November 9, 1997, UmeÄ Studies in the Humanities, 140 (UmeÄ,
1997), pp. 21â31. [500.05.b.33.139]. Rather odd article. Hard to follow.
Rather dubious stuff. E.g. â<I> occurs, for instance, in <Ilfing
eastan of Estlande>, <ðonne benimĂŸ Wisle Ilfing hire naman>
(Orosius, Book 1). Lower case <y> occurs in <to Êðelbrihtes
mearce ĂŠt ylfethamme> (Sawyer 820), and <Of dyrnan treowe on
ylfing dene on Ênne ele beam> (Sawyer 622) ⊠In the latter two
examples, are we dealing with descriptive terms containing common words
(âelf dwellingâ [?! SWANS! er, was that âelf dwellingâ alaric?
check!] and âvalley pertaining to elvesâ [can this be right???]),
or place names? And, in the former two, does capitalisation disguise
a description of some river or place pertaining to elves? [pardon?!
In Orosius?!]â (28). Clark 1992, 475 has âing as used for topographically
descripting termsâso what is ylfing? Whew, nothing scary here then. ***Colopy, Cheryl. "Sir DegarĂ©: A Fairy Tale Oedipus."
Pacific Coast Philology 17 (1982), 31-39. [Explores the connection between
sexuality and identity.] Also re implicit sexual advances of the father
p. 35. Conlee, John (ed.), WILLIAM DUNBAR: THE COMPLETE WORKS, Originally
Published in William Dunbar: The Complete WorksKalamazoo, Michigan:
Western Michigan University for TEAMS, 2004 (http://www.lib.rochester.edu Connor, W. R., âSeized by the Nymphs: Nympholepsy and Symbolic Expression in Classical Greeceâ, Classical Antiquity, 7 (1988), 155â89. Possession often not violent, may merely involve heightened awareness, insight, expression. This works particularly for nympholepsy (158-60); Plato even has Socrates getting it. âThese are playful comments but they utilize [160] an accepted paradigm about the nature of possession in the society. This paradigm presents the possessed person, not as mindless, but as someone whose understanding may be of great value, even if his exceptional state is at the same time strange or frighteneingâ (159-60). âProphecy was expected from nympholepts, who seem often to have claimed access to special understandingâ (160). Cf. 160-2. Sites of worship etc. 161-4. âThe shift toward Zeus [in the worship by the semi-mythologized Epimenides] may reflect a tension between the cult of the Olympian gods, so prominent in urbanized civic religion, and the veneration of lesser divinities that played a special role in rural and private religionâ (165). âIf we draw together the diverse material which we have found from many sites and periods of the Greek world we find a pattern that is remarkably consistent. The nympholept emerges not as an epileptic or madman but as a person of special inspiration and of a distinct status within society. Often the nympholept is the creator or embellisher of a cult place, usually a rustic one, remote from the city. But the site is not a place for purely private or individual religiosity. Prophecy and perhaps healing or purification can be found there. Its benefits should not be underestimatedâ (165). Possibility of being nicked by the nymphs and becoming hieros âsacredâ (not simply pious or ritually pure etc) (165). âThis suggests an important change in perspective in our view of nympholepts. They can be understood as part of a long line of holy men, a diverse and changing company that reaches back to the seers and cathartic specialists of early [166] stages of Greek civilization and down to the saints of Orthodox Christianity. The nympholept shares with them a direct participation in the sacred, in all its awe and power. Yet individual holy men differ in many important respectsâ (165-66). Link between nymphs, nympholepsy and water (springs) 183-4 with refs. âYet even if prophecy, rather than medicine, was its principal function, the consultations are likely to have included medical matters from titme to time. Curative powers were rarely totally distinguished from prophetic ones in settings such as thisâ (185). Assooc with prophecy esp. 160â62 et passim. *Conrad, Joseph L., âRussian Ritual Incantations: Tradition, Diversity,
and Continuityâ, Slavic and East European Journal, 33 (1989), 422â24. Conrad, Lawrence I., Michael Neve, Vivian Nutton, Roy Porter and
Andrew Wear (eds), The Western Medical Tradition: 800 bc to ad 1800
(Cambridge, 1995) [Z8 1995-W]. Nutton writes up to modern period. 15-16
re gks being into divine causes as well as non-divine for disease. *Cook, A. M. and M. W. Dacre, Excavations at Portway, Andover 1973â75,
Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, Monograph 4 (Oxford: XXXX,
1985) Cook, Robert and Mattias Tveitane (eds), Strengleikar: An Old Norse
Translation of Twenty-one Old French Lais, Edited from the Manuscript
Uppsala De la Gardie 4â7 â AM 666 b, 4o, Norsk Historisk Kjeldeskrift-institutt,
norrĂžne tekster, 3 (Oslo: Kjeldeskriftfondet, 1979). âSimilarly,
it appears from the general Prologue to the Harley collection that the
originals were supposed to be Celticâ (xix) NO!!!!!. Gah! xivâxv
re date, HĂĄkonâs reign, 1217â63. 005389 ref no. for NTL payment 0-8-2004 co-op bank appl. no 376784 2 proofs of address and identity 4 different utility bills, 1 identity quote number on documents co-op bank plc nbc p/o box 200 delf house south way skelmersdale wn8 6ny Cooke, Jessica, âThe Harley Manuscript 3376: A Study in Anglo-Saxon
Glossographyâ (Unpublished PhD thesis, Cambridge, 1994). [MS room,
PhD.18786] âMy research has also identified much material in the Harley
Glossary which was included in later medieval English lexica. As a result,
an important argument of this thesis is that there was a continuous
lexicographical tradition, stretching from early Anglo-Saxon times to
the English Renaissance. Such a tradition has rarely, if ever, been
fully accepted by scholars beforeâ (1a). Prob. Worcester. Disses Oliphantâs
ed. 23, 231â34; Wright-WĂŒlcker 22â23. She made her own ed; collation
with her errata (pp. 236â56, but goes not beyond C) and MS seems important.
Review of ed. English Stud 51, 1970 149â51; Anglia 86 1968, 495â500.
MS actually written out as prose, not as a list! (232â33). âmany
interlinear glosses do not refer to the whole entry, but only to the
word they are written overâ (233). 77â79 handy re infl. of Isidore;
âEntries from Isidore were influced in the [79] English Epinal-Erfurt
Glossary coeval with Aldhelm, and subsequent additions were included
in all later Anglo-SAxon glossariesâ (78â79). Aldhelm 2nd most influential
79â81. EEK! Has cleopatra A.III as C11 p. 134âis she wrong or am
I? Cooke, Jessica, âWorcester Books and Scholars, and the Making of
the Harley Glossary: British Library MS. Harley 3376â, Anglia, 115
(1997), 441â68. âDespite the importance of the Harley Glossary âŠ
it has never been edited properly: neither of the two existing editions
of the glossary attempt to provide a comprehensive study of its organisation
or sources, and further, both editions inaccurately transcribe many
Latin and Old English words in the manuscripâ (444).445-48 going for
Worcester provenance. Tends to favour the idea that 3376 is the autograph
of the compiler , thought doesnât exclude other possibilities (454).
âIn keeping with his effors to regularise the glossary, he grouped
together entries having the same lemma under a single headword, so that
such entries may combine an explanation for a word from Virgil or the
Bible with that for a word in Isidore. While these glosses do not necessarily
accord with each other, they each explain different meanings for the
lemmaâ (454). âWhile two thirds of the explanations in the Harley
Glossary are Latin, about a third are Old English, but these are mainly
written abive the lines rather than in the text proper, giving the appearance
of a Latin glossary with Old English explana[455]tions added later.
yet far from being informal additions by the compiler, the English glosses
were derived from the aminstream corpus of Anglo-Saxon glossography
and must have been incorporated at the same time as the Latin glosses.
It appears that the compiler wished to emphasise the Latin element of
his work as opposed to the vernacular, and wrote the Latin words in
large letters on the ruled lines of the pages, while according the English
a lower status in smaller writing between the lines. In addition, he
reversed the usual trend by re-translating some Old English glosses
from his exemplars back into Latinâ (454-55) citing Pheifer 1974,
xxxvi. âAbout half of the entries in the Harley glossary derive directly
from the English glossographical tradition because their closest parallels
occur in the Anglo-Saxon glossaries. Of [457] them all, however, the
glossator probably used English exemplars most similar to the Corpus
Glossary written about 800 at Canterbury, and the three glossaries of
the eleventh-century manuscript London, B.L. MS. Cotton Cleopatra A.IIIâ
(456-57). Cooke, William, â âAluen swiðe sceoneâ: How Long did OE Ălfen/Elfen
Survive in ME?â, English Language Notes, 41 (2003), 1â6. *Alix Cooper, Inventing the Indigenous: Local Knowledge and Natural History in Early Modern Europe, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Pp. 232. $80. ISBN 978-0-521-87087-0. Loooks useful re Markku and Jari morality and health project. *Cooper, Helen, âMagic that does not Workâ, Medievalia et Humanistica:
Studies in Medieval and Renaissance Culture, n.s., 7 (1976), 131â46.
just looks interesting, has some stuff re fairies apparently. Cooper, Marion R. and Anthony W. Johnson, Poisonous Plants in Britain
and their Effects on Animals and Man, Ministry of Agriculture Fisheries
and Food, Reference Book, 161 (London: Her Majestyâs Stationery Office,
1984) Corfe, Tom and Rosemary Cramp, âBernicia before Wilfridâ, in
Before Wilfrid: Britons, Romans and Anglo-Saxons in Tynedale, Hexham
Historian, 7 (Hexham: Hexham Local History Society, 1997), pp. 57â64.
Generally quite interesting, as is whole volume, but nothing to blow
you away. Cormak, M., â âFjÂČlkunnigri kono scalltu Ă faðmi sofaâ: Sex and the Supernatural in Icelandic Saintsâ Livesâ, SkĂĄldskaparmĂĄl, 2 (1992), 221â28. [NW4 P752:1.c.27] Corradini, Erika, âPreaching in Old English: Tradition and New
Directionsâ, Literature Compass, 3 (2006), 1266â77, DOI:10.1111/j.1741-4113.2006.00381.x *Cosslyn, Stephen Michael, Image and Brain (e-book, netlibrary). *Cove, John J. Nimeke: Tsimshian narratives : 1-2 / John J. Cove ; collected by: Marius Barbeau and William Beynon ; edited by: George F. MacDonald and John J. Cove Aineisto: Kirja Julkaistu: Ottawa : Canadian Museum of Civilization, 1987 Sarja: Directorate paper / Canadian Museum of Civilization ; no 3Mercury series Kotimaisten kielten tutkimuskeskus Kirjasto laina-aika 28 vr Sijainti:
Su SUK P Mercury series, Directorate paper ; 3 Niteiden lukumÀÀrÀ:
2 (paikalla 2) joista ei saatavilla: Kaikki paikalla Kirjasto: Museovirasto Kansallismuseo ja muut museot, ei kotilainaan
Sijainti: B KUMU 20 Directorate paper 3 **Cox, B. S., Cruces of âBeowulfâ, Studies in English Literature,
60 (The Hague, 1971), 94-101, grendel as scucca. Barrie Cox, âThe Significance of the Distribution of English Place-Names
in -hÄm in the Midlands and East Angliaâ, JEPNS, 5 (1973), 15â73.
Abstract says that it demonstrates how place-names containing ham map
nicely onto roman roads and ancient trackways and Roman settlements;
âIt suggests that this pattern of distribution indicates that place-names
in -hÄm belong to the period of the pagan Anglo-Saxons [c. 400â650
according to fn 1]. Further, it suggests that names in -ingahÄm occur
in historical sequence later than the hÄm phase but in general earlier
than other names in -ingas, -inga-â (15). Cox, Barrie, âThe Place-Names of the Earliest English Recordsâ,
Journal of the English Place-Name Society, 8 (1975â76), 12â66 Cox, Robert, âSnake Rings in Deor and VÂČlundarkviðaâ, Leeds
Studies in English, 22 (1991), 1-20. Goes for lindbaugar as âsnake-ringsâ
and be wurman as âbecause of snake-ringsâ. How convincing is wurman
as wyrmum anyway? (weorm x 2 in Lacnunga). *Cox on pn.els. 1976 *Crabtree, P. J., âSheep, Horses, Swine and Kine: A Zoo-archaeological
Perspective on the Anglo-Saxon Settlement of Englandâ, J Field Archaeology,
16 (1989), 205â13. Craig, W.J. (ed.), Shakespeare: Complete Works (London: Oxford University
Press, 1905) Craigie, James, ed. Minor Prose Works of King James VI and I: Daemonologie, The Trve Lawe of Free Monarchies, a Counterblaste to Tobacco, a Declaration of Sports. Scottish Text Society, 4th Series 14. Edinburgh: The Scottish Text Society, 1982. Craigie, W. A. (ed.), Skotlands rĂmur: Icelandic Ballads on the
Gowrie Conspiracy [by Einar Guðmundsson, see p. 12] (Oxford, 1908)
[752.5.d.90.6]. Re the author, accusing Auðunn of witchcraft, autumn
1633: âGreeting to you, Auðunn Ăorsteinsson, according to your deserts.
I wish to let you know the thing which has happened here, viz. that
my SigrĂður has taken a strange pain in her eye, in this manner, that
on Monday during a dead calm, as she was going out of the homestead,
she felt as if an arrow struck her in the eye, but saw nothing. Since
then the pain has increased round her eye-ball, and it is the opinion
of both of us that it is caused by you, or by your son Björn, for you
both have dealings with wizardry and sorceryâ (13). Wow! âSjera
Einar was a gifted man, with a talent for versifying, [16] and various
poems and writings of his have been preserved. He wrote a work on elves
and fairies, which is said by Daði Nielsson to have been very superstitious;
this is no longer known, and is said by some to have been in Latinâ
(15-16). Craigie, W. A. (ed.), The Maitland Folio Manuscript: Containing Poems by Sir Richard Maitland, Dunbar, Douglas, Henryson, and Others, 2 vols, The Scottish Text Society, Second Series, 7, 20 (Edinburgh: The Scottish Text Society, 1919â27). NB glossary in vol 2!! Dunbarâs The Goldin Targe pp. 89-97; 93, ll. 118-26: âThair wes the god of gardingis preapus / Thair wes the god of wildernes phanus / And Ianus god of entres delitabill / Thair wes the god of fludis naptunus / Thair wes the god of windis Eolus / With variand luik lyk till ane lord vnstable / Thair wes bachus the gladar of the tabill / Thair wes pluto ĂŸat Elriche incobus / In clok of grene his court vsit no sabillâ. Hmm, I wonder why the cap.? Also . 175 l. 58, dream vision rubbish. ii 1-6 description of MS; 6 says âtaken together with the Quarto,
the manuscript as a whole offers copious materials for a close study
of the form and changes of the Scottish tongue during the years 1570-85â
(6). Cramond, William (ed.), The Records of Elgin 1234â1800, New Spalding
Club, 27, 35, 2 vols (Aberdeen: The New Spalding Club, 1903â8). ii
211 kirk session records for 1629, âSeptember 11th.âNauchtys confessioun.âCompeirt
Cristan Nauchty and confessit scho was three several tymes away, ilk
tyme aucht dayis away, and scho was taine away with a wind and knew
no man bot Johne Mowtra and ane Packman quho wer dead lang ago, and
that they two strak hir. Scho confessit ther wer ma in hir cumpany quhom
scho kend no, aboue ane hundreth. Ther faces seimed whyt and as lane
but ther lackis wer boss lyk fidlesâ. *Cramp, Rosemary, âBeowulf and Archaeologyâ, Medieval Archaeology,
1 (1957), 57â77. âThe archaeological evidence that is now available,
however, can enrich considerably the study of the poem; it can supply
relevant illustrations so that simple words such as âhallâ or âswordâ
conjure up a precise picture in the mind of the modern readerâ (77).
Or does it?! Hahahahahahaaa! Cramp, Rosemary, âThe Hall in Beowulf and in Archaeologyâ, in
Heroic Poetry in the Anglo-Saxon Period: Studies in Honor of Jess B.
Bessinger, Jr., ed. by Helen Damico and John Leyerle, Studies in Medieval
Culture, 32 (Kalamazoo, MI: Medieval Institute Publications, 1993),
pp. 331â46. *Crane, Ronald S., âAn Irish Analogue of the Legend of Robert the
Devilâ, Romanic Review, 5 (1914), 55-67. Interesting re Sir Gowther
but maybe also if early re Guthlac A. *Crane, Susan, Insular Romance: Politics, Faith and Culture in Anglo-Norman
and Middle English Literature (Berkely and Los Angeles, 1986). Argues
somewhere for magic representing political and social concerns. Good. Crane, Susan, Gender and Romance in Chaucerâs âCanterbury Talesâ (Princeton, 1994), âMagic, shape-shifting, and the uncanny in the Wife of Bathâs tale.â Apparently. âIn Chaucerâs works, as in those of other poets who engage romance, gender provides a way of reading aspects of the genre beyond courtship alone. Social hierarchies, magic, adventure, and less salient preoccupations of romance are so intimately involved in gender that their operations are unclear in isolation from itâ (3). Intro outlines social constructivist aspects of gender and how we can find lots of cools stuff (3-7) might be handy to cite as general consideration. âRomances place themselves in their time less through the referentiality of their representations than through their participation in forming, playing out, and disputing interrelated beliefs that have meaning for their authors and audiencesâ (6). âFoucault, History of Sexuality, excludes the medieval period from the social [7] articulation of sexuality, tracing that articulation to the eighteenth century ⊠but much of his argument on sexualityâs social function as âan especially dense transfer point for relations of powerâ (103) fits the late medieval period better than his own characterization of that period as monloithic, without competing discourses on sex, would suggestâ (6-7, n. 2). âIt is virtually a critical commonplace that Chaucer eagerly seized on such genres as the fabliau, saintâs legend, and dream vision but âfelt less easy with the very genre which we regard as characeristic of his period, the knightly romanceâ â (10, n. 8). NBs major female patronage of romance, Chaucer cits to imply itâs a woman thing (10) and outmoded (11-12). âThe social position occupied by those gendered male becomes conflated with that of humanity at large, exiling those gendered female to the position of difference, otherness, and objectificationâ (13). Hence the identification with the supernatural I suppose⊠Women serve to provoke in men the feminine actions of mercy and pityâas in Knightâs tale (20, cf 20-23). And of course WBT, and cf the âwomen gewet to be mystics, men get to be theologiansâ principle. Much like the Celtic/Norman church thing! Hmm⊠Interesting. Aligns women with Xian values too, I suppose. Xianity is otherworldly after all⊠cf woman as peaceweaver: a very ;long-standing female role in medieval society, in reality and literature and one continually contrasted with masculine behaviour in the litâcf. bwf, strohm 1992. â`Indeed, the very conventionality of feminine intercession suggests a scripted role assigned to queens within the larger scene of rulersâ justice. Queen Anne had not even arrived in England when Richard II began parsoning rebels in her nameâ (22). Cf. Eve as model sinner etc. Jill Mann on this too, but no ev. here that theyâre seeing an XCianising of men rather than a feminising of them. Mann sees by this process chaucer offering a âfully human idealâ (185), but Crane goes for an ideal that is âfinally masculineâ (21). âHowever ⊠their [womenâs] gender is not mercyâs ultimate repository. The interceding women come to resemble not agents of mercy but allegorical figures in a psychomachy of the rulerâs decision making. Rather than expressing an exclusivey feminine impulse, the scene locates pity in women as a way describing the subordinate place it holds in the all-encompassing masculine deliberation. Theseus does not designate mercy a feminine but rather a lordly responseâ (22) (cf. KT 1773-81). Nice point, and for me shows Xian ideal being brought to lordship, no? âThe progression from anger to mercy through womenâs intercession indicates that the rulerâs impulse to mercy is subordinate to his impulse to justice, but both are masculineâthat is, âfully humanâ in the traditional gendering that conflates maleness and humanity as the universal experienceâ (23). Quotes Strohm in 23 fn 4 nbing that female intercession gratifies male desires reallyâamphs their power. Perhaps a point to be developed a bit more. Another parallel with Bwf, and this time with ON too: âRomances do not provide parallel depictions of women who successfully integrate masculine traits into feminitity, reinforcing the gender inequivalence figured when traits identified with feminity are absorbed into masculine complexity. Women can imitate masculine behavior, but the imitation remains just that; ruling and fighting do not become feminine behaviors when they are practiced by womenâ (23). cf. Amazons in KT. OFr egs 23-5 (Dido failed ruler). âAlternatively, in Guy of Warwick, the Tristan and Lancelot romances, and many romances about young love, the heroâs will tends to be at odds with the public order, creating crises of identity that are difficult or impossible to resolve. Guyâs beloved Felice demands that he leave court until he has become the best knight in the world, but his parents and his lord oppose Feliceâs command on the ground that he ows them superior allegiance. Guy himself, once married, reprents of his adventures for love and undertakes compensatory feats for good causes in defense of Christian, feudal, and nationmal rights. Although Guyâs efforts like Hornâs built his reputation, his efforts and his reputation are deeply involved in familial and instituational relationsâ (28). âThe Tale of Sir Thopas parodies romance in part by isolating the central character, stranding him on an empty stage where his rushing about looks absurdly autonomousâ (29). Much converned, naturally, with the tensions between male-male relationships and male-female ones. Speaks long re homosexuality (39-49), established in romances partly to be refuted. Not concept of the homosexual as suchâjust of heterosexuals misbehaving. But does that tension occur in the heroic stuff? Or are women there clearly in their place: romance as respose to social change in male-female relations (ie. Xianisation againâŠ?). Thoâ perhaps some of that tension there in Heiðreks saga when Heiðrekr settles down and Ăðinn gets upset. âIn many repects medieval romances does conceive gender as a binary but unreciprocal division that constrains femininity to masculine terms .. Romance ⊠insistently exemplifies De Beauvoirâs argument that the masculine stands for the universal experienceâ (56). â[*]Henri Rey-Flaudâs NĂ©vrose courtoise and [*]Jean-Chalres Huchetâs Roman mĂ©diĂ©val argue as well that fine amor is an evasion rather than an elaboration of intimacy between the sexes and that the place of women in the paradigms of literary courtship, far from figuring an amelioration in the historical position of women, reinforces the cultural distance between the sexes by expressing in the literary language of women the disorientation and strangeness of emotional experience: âLe femme est lâAutre du rĂ©cit qui en parleâ (Woman is the Other of the tale that narrates her) ⊠Such recent work on medieval literature tends to mesh the ides of masculine self-definition through the feminine and of a consequent absenting of woman from discourseâ (57). Looks at social construction 57- Basic point being in many ways that âliterature participates in the social construction of its authors and consumersâ (59). Re Dorigen saying sheâll love A when he makes the stones go: âIn Giovanni Boccaccioâs Filocolo, apparently chaucerâs cource for the plot of the Franklinâs Tale, the wifeâs private thoughts illuminate her demand: âShe said to herself, âit is an impossible thing to do, and that is how I shall get free of himâ.â Her suitor understands that she has found a âcunning stratagemâ to get rid of him. Meaning is more elusive in Chaucerâs tale both for readers, who are privy only to Dorigenâs desire that the rocks should not threaten her husbandâs return, and for Aurelius, who laments the takâs difficulty but apparently does not consider its assignment equivalent to a rejectionâ (61). Discusses the problems of no meaning yes etc. No is the necessary 1st step to submissionâprobably actually the only way to really say no to A is to say yes straight off! (my point that). Tricky. Women like Felice in Guy who make proud vows and set impossible tasks get subsumed pretty quickly thoââthe knight lives up to the demands, and woman goes all weask at knees. Demands are rather necessary for plots of striving lovers (64-5). How does this relate to the ĂryĂŸ/Hervör/etc. storyâbig gratwickdifference will partly be that they donât need to produce striving lovers. Why do they do it at all then? Provide paradigm for recalcitrent women learning to behave? âChaucerâs particular version of the rash promise suggests that Dorigen is neither rash nor flirtatious but rather that her desire to refuse is at odds with courtly discourses that do not admit a language of refusalâ (65). But she does her best within these restrictions to break from the mould by âquoting against the grainââproviding for safety of husband eg. (65-6). Into women and self-mutilation: finds that femininity and feminine desirability is mainly in their appearnce (esp. 73-5 for basic principle). Thus you can step out of this by self-mutilation, for various purposes (thus Herodis is all mutilated by encounter under impe-tree, which implies estrangement from husband in consequence, and this is apparent before anyone knows about whatâs actually happened (74-5). Then has lots on amazons and warrior women. A fair number apparnelty. (76-84). Important to return to if you want to follow up thaat shield-maiden thing ever. Amazons there to be conquered of course. Self-mutilation appears in various ways. None that I recall in shield-maiden trad thoâ. Other form of messing about with female bodies, and more common, is shape-shifting. âShape-shifting can be read in two directions, one tending toward reinforcing an image of feminine alienness and contraditio. This is the more accessible reading of shape-shifting, linked to wider literary contexts such as the theological, medical, and legal disputations on âIs woman a monster?â and âIs woman inhuman?â âŠ[nmot usually taken proper seriously by med writers she adds] Shape-shifting in romance offers a striking concretization of feminine uncanniness, whether by mixing human with animal forms as in the serpent-woman Melusine, by juxtaposing contradictory images of women as in the loathly-lovely Ragnell, or by simply deceiving the masculine gaze ⊠here I will pursue a different and perhaps less evident reading that find in shape-shifting an attempt to break the bond that ties feminine identity to bodily appearanceâ (84). Geffrey and Alison as both outsiders to romance. Neither is socially well set up for it, from what you see. Geffrey makes a mess of it; Alisonâs prologue is full of stuff which is generically quite different from the story she goes on to produce (113). But naturally, Crane also sees the outsideness from romance in terms of gender (113-14). âGeffreyâs maculinity is involved in his narratorial inferiority to romance. Memorization and repetition of a single text has just characterized the persistently âlitelâ boy of the Prioressâs Tale ⊠Geffreyâs rote performance signals an analogously childish lack of authority over his textâ (114). âThe incongruous conjunction of [115] immaturity and sexuality in Greffrey underlines his anomalous status in relation to other pilgrims and to the genre of romanceâ (115). âAppropriate to both Geffreyâs âpopetâ body and his âelvysshâ countenance, âsmalâ links the childish connotation of dolls to the womanâs embrace and the sexually charged nature of elves. The Host compounds this half-formed sexuality with a trace of feminine reticence: like Rosemounde who will âdo no daliaunceâ to her lover, Geffrey refuses his âdaliauceâ to everyoneâŠâ (115). âGeffreyâs quiet isolation contrasts with the Hostâs convivial leadership, his undefined estate with the Hostâs capacity to lodge and manage all estates, yet the Hostâs own answer to âWhat man artow?â deflects those social differences into a comment on masculinity. Indeterminate social status finds its expression in ambivalent gender statusâ (116). âMagic is a generic marker that signals the inferiority of romance in the hierarchy of genres. The persistent claim leveled against romance magic is that it evades the genuine concerns of the world in favor of seductive falsehoodsâ (132). In Insular Romance I have argued that the âlying wondersâ of romance can comment on political and social concerns; here I argue that magic becomes in romance a means of expressing gender differenceâ (132). âMagic is for the Middle Ages on a continuum with philosophy and science, but in romance it can be rather narrowly defined as the manifestation of powers that are not directly attributable to Christian faith, yet are so far beyond the ordinary course of nature as to be inexplicable according to its lawsâ (132). Cf. Kieckhefer, peters 1978, Carasso-Bulow, Kelly. âFrom the perspective of gender, magic has two characteritic expressions in roance. Magic associated with masculine concerns and characters is learned, is clearly hostile or helpful, and strives to confer on the individual subject an autonomy and completeness that we have seen to be chimerical in masculine identity as romance develops it. In association with the feminine, magic expresses the ambiguous danger and pleasure of intimacy between the sexes. The mirror brought to Cambyuskanâs court points toward this distinctionâ (133). âHanning discusses marvels in romance with referene to the term engin, which reflects the admixture in clerical magic of technique [136] and artfulness in meanings that range from âmachineâ and âinventionâ to âclvernessâ and âdeceptionâ. For Chaucer the term of choice is âsubtilâ, also widely applied in romances to gifts of clerks of magicâ [individual in C12 romance, 105-38] (135-6, discusses subtil some more 136). nature of magic obscuredâby turns implied to be empty illusion, and to have something going on, eg. in franklinâs tale (136-7). âObscuring how magic functions is one way of insisting on its inasccessibility to ordinary understanding and its superiority to everyday contingencies. Yet narrators are also at pains to establish some degree of detachment from clerical magic. The double movement of insisting on the validity of magic and yet disengaging from it, which parallels the gendered function of clerical magic as a soure of masculine autonomy that does not finally garauntee it, returns us to the problems of tone in the Squireâs and Franklinâs talesâ (137) hmm, lost by the last bit, but interesting. Cf. Grahamâs marginalia work re Chaucerâs relationship with his storys? 150ff âUncanny womenâ. âWomen who wield magical power in romances are the intimates of male protagonists, their lovers and mothers and aunts. Male clerics and enchanters provide aid or resistance in magic that is uncomplicated by intimacy. Although clerical magic can establish deeper connections between men than the merely professional, as Aureliusâs closing interaction with the Clerk of Orleans illustrates, these connections, like th magic that instigates them, are unambiguous in their expressions and implications. Womenâs magic has an element of ambivalence that expresses femininityâs compounded attraction and danger in romance. Whereas men master magic as an exceptionally difficult science that they can then freely deploy, womenâs magic is less often learned than inherited, imposed by enchantment, or of unexplained origin, and not always under their controlâ (150). âMerlin changes his shape, a typical expression of feminine magicâs ambiguityââmain interest being that women rather than men have embodiment trouble, no? (150). Is that actually so? Men dressing as women in seiðr related to this? âThe few masculine fairies of romance, whose otherworldly origin and [151] inborn rather than clerical magic are more typical of the genreâs feminine figures, are restricted to the roles of lost father and peripheral challengerâ (151), cites Harf-Lancer 63-74. âOne might suppose that a fairy mistress or spell-casting mother is simply superior to a mortal one, her protection more extensive and her beauty nearer perfection. But in these romances superiority is only half the sotry. Sometimes a magical mistressâs protection is contingent on a prohibition that is broken ⊠[Launfal, Raymondin and Melusine, Pantope and Melior, Richard Coer de Lionâs mother in motif just like Walter Map iv.9âwhence this?] Or, as in Dame Ragnell and the lady of Synadoun in Lybeus Desconus, a beautiful shape may belatedly revise a âforshapenâ body that is repulsively animalâ (151). âDoes Morgan [in SGGK] more accurately threaten Gawainâs life or nurture his growth? Are Dame Ragnell and the Wife of Bathâs old hag truly agly and aggressive or truly beautiful and obedient? Such bivalence is irreducible in romance and it is gendered feminine. Through an uncanniness that opposes yet is subsumed within intimacy, romances express the difference that marks the idea of woman, the marginal position of woman in narrative, and her resistance to both appropriation and dismissalâ (152). 153-4 re queyt use ambiguous word which is interesting re magic and women. âIn feminine magic. romance mystifies the antifeminist topos of woman as contradiction and self-contradition. The ld hagâs courtship in Alsionâs tale reworks the canny deceptions Alison uses to win Jankyn into the uncanny ability to shape-shiftâ (155). The Hagâs âcurtain lecture does not favor lowborn poverty over gentle wealth but questions the validity of divisions between these categories, reinterpreting the distinction between poverty and wealth, for example, through paradoxes that resist distinction ⊠Wealth and poverty become mobile doubles of one another rathe than isolated states. The hagâs bodily transformation is analagousâ (156). âShape-shifting pleases the âworldly appetitâ (III 1218) of the knight but again emphasizes the uncanny indeterminacy of the feminine. We have seen a similar process at work in the search for âwhat thyng that wrldly wommen loven bestâ [157] (III 1033), in which the cacophony of possible answers yields to a single response, yet âsovereigntyâ is itself multiple and indeterminate in meaning. For the Wife of Bathâs Tale as for other Middle English romances, womanâs uncanniness lies in her difference from men but also in an inner differing that defies understandingâ (156-7). Most of this doesnât grab me. But nb with spitting, âAt the outset the Celtic fairies and their Christian exorcists come to resemble one anotherâŠâ GRRRRRR! Only chapter 5 to go, if i can face it. Cranstoun, James (ed.), Satirical Poems of the Time of the Reformation,
Scottish Text Society, XXXX, 20, 2 vols (Edinburgh: Scottish Text Society,
1891â93) Crawford, Barbara E. and Simon Taylor, âThe Southern Frontier of
Norse Settlement in North Scotland: Place-Names and Historyâ, Northern
Scotland, 23 (2003), 2â76. Wrid kind of lurching piece with chunks
ofplace-name data, Crawfordâs saga-based hallucinated narratives and
not much in conclusion. Based on a rather obscurely represented survey
of north-east Inverness-shire. *Crawford, J., âEvidences for Witchcraft in Anglo-Saxon Englandâ,
Medium Aevum, 32 (1963), XXXX; repr. in Witchcraft in the Ancient World
and the Middle Ages, ed. by Brian P. Levack (Garland, 1992), pp. 153â70. *Crawford, O. G. S., Archaeology in the Field (London,1953). App.
re A-S pools etc. Crawford, Robert, âPoetry, Memory, and Nationâ, in Anthologies
of British Poetry, ed. XXXXX (Rodopi 2000). XXXXX Contains discussion
of Dream of the Rood in anthologies of Scottish poetry. Crawford, Sally, Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England (Stroud: Sutton,
1999) Crawford, Sally, âAnglo-Saxon Women, Furnished Burial, and the
Churchâ, in Women and Religion in Medieval England, ed. by Diana Wood
(Oxford, 2003), pp. 1â12. Final Phase/Conversion Period of burial
goods burials, c. 650â800. Quite a lot of women with cruciform motifs
in jewellery (2â4). in pagan period, âWomen were buried with a greater
range of artefacts than men. More females were buried with archaeologicaly
recoverable artefacts than males, and within an inhumation cemetary,
womenâs grave goods tend to show greater wealth in terms of the inclusion
of precious metals suhc as gold and silver, or of rre mterial such as
amber and glass, than their male counterpartsâ (4) [citing K. A. Brush,
âGender and Mortuary Analysis in Pagan Anglo-Saxon Archaeologyâ,
Archaeological Review from Cambridge, 7 (1998), 76â89]. But are crosses
really for Xiansâsheâs not sure (6â7) and rightly not I guess
though NBs SS Balthilde and Cuthbert, buries with crossy jewellery (10â11).
Changes in female kit in final hase suggesting chanes in dressâshorter
necklaces, maybe veils. Regional differences reduced [citing G. Owen-Crocker,
Dress in Anglo-Saxon England, 1986]. âWhat might, at first sight,
be taken for a change in fashion, seems to indicate a fairly sudden
and fundamental alteration to wht had previously been a traditional
regional costume. One of the most important âmessagesâ had changed,
sugesting that the new âfashionâ was linked to important cultural,
if not political and religious, changes in Anglo-Saxon Englandâ (5).
Also concentrtion of wealth as with males, but now fewer women with
grave goods than men. âIt has also been argued that the changes in
the burial ritual indicate a change in the status of women within seventh-
and eighth-century Anglo-Saxon society. Nicholas Stoodley has argued,
on the basis of the change in the ratio of furnished male burial to
female burial, that âthere was no longer a role for the symbolic expression
of femininity in deathâ. If the burial ritual had a function in displaying
the power, wealth, and kinship affiliations of the deceasedâs family,
then the fact that fewer women, compared [6] to men, were being buried
with status grave goods argues that patrilinear kinship was becoming
dominant. Womenâs burial no longer had a role in displaying ethnic
identity or kinship affiliationsâ (5â6) [citing N. Stoodley, âBurial
Rites, Gender and the Creation of Kingdoms: The Evidence from Seventh-Century
Wessexâ, ASSAH, 10 (1999)]. But she points out that you still get
rich female burials, laws donât look bad or women either (6). 7â8
no ev of Xian efforts to prohibit furnished burial or change burial
places. Barrow burials 9â11. Not clear that these are non-Xian or
anti-Xian etc. Tricky. See also Geake 1997, Van de Noort 1993. Crawford, S.J., âThe Worcester Marks and Glosses of the Old English
Manuscripts in the Bodleian, together with the Worcester Version of
the Nicene Creedâ, Anglia, 52 (1928), 1â25. CrĂ©pin, Andre, Mihael Lapidge, Pierre Monat and Philippe Robin (ed. and trans.), BĂšde le VĂ©nĂ©rable: Histoire ecclĂ©siastique du peuple Anglais (Historia ecclesiastica gentis Anglorum), Sources chrĂ©tiennes, 489â91, 3 vols (Paris: Cerf, 2005). Actually Lapidge eds and that last two trans, first one does notes etc. COINING OF PLACE-NAMES: Augustinaes ĂĄc; James and Deacon ii.20; iii.23 âfecit ibi monasterium, quod nunc Laestingaeu uocaturâ--new coining?; iv.22 tunnacaestir; St. Boswellâs not at iv.27 but at least Boisil is (PVC?); ROYAL SPACES: Lilla and the assassin story set in hall TENTS: Aidan stays in a tent attached to side of church during last illness iii.17; tent for bones of ĂŠthelĂŸryth iv.19; Bishop Eata whips out a tent for Herebald v.6; PVC 32 âOnce when this most holy shepherd of the Lordâs flock was doing the round of his sheepfolds, he came into a rough mountain area whether many had gathered from the scattered villages to be confirmed. Now there was no church nor even a place in the mountains fit to receive a bishop and his retinue, so the people put up tents for him while for themselves they made huts of felled branches as best they couldâ [NB tent as a high status thing] DETAILS OF BUILDINGSâS CONSTRUCTION: (not exhaustive probably)
iii.17; Candida Casa; iii.10â11, 16, 25; iv.23 dormitory, bell, roof,
remote parts for newbies; iv.24 monastic architecture in CĂŠdmonâs
death; iv.25 communal and private buildings; Crick, Julia, âWomen, Posthumous Benefaction, and Family Strategy
in Pre-Conquest Englandâ, Journal of British Studies, 38 (1999), 399â422.
Core observation is that when we can see whatâs afoot, a testator
giving land to church is often actually giving land bequeathed to them
on condition that they give it to church laterâmale testators actually
inherited from female and vice versa in various cases. Arguably just
to make sure that somewhere down the line is someone with the memory
and power to ensure that will is carried out. On the whole this reduces
likely female ownership proper. When women do get to do stuff, they
usually widows it turns out. So itâs not like teyâve got much property
of their own to dispose of normally. Morgengifu not always taken for
granted (411â12). Crick, J. C., âThe British Past and the Welsh Future: Gerald of Wales, Geoffry of Monmouth and Arthur of Britainâ, Celtica, 23 (1999), 60-75. Argues that Gerald of Wales doesnât diss Wlater because hes not a good/credible historian, but because he doesnât suit Geraldâs politics. A=Same argument reffâd re William of Newbury too. Handy. Online at http://www.celt.dias.ie/publications/celtica/c23.html Cronan, Dennis, âPoetic Words, Conservatism and the Dating of Old
English Poetryâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 33 (2004), 23â50. *Cross, J. E., and T. D. Hill (eds), The âProse Solomon and Saturnâ
and âAdrian and Ritheusâ, McMaster Old English Studies and Texts,
1 (Toronto, 1982), 97-8 re demons getting to live on earth not in Hell. Cross, Tom Peete, âThe Celtic Origin of the Lay of Yonecâ, Revue Celtique, 31 (1910), 413â71. 430â53 re âThe shape-shifting fairy loverâ. Lists fairy lovers 430 n. 2; I exclude fairy men and women seducing each other: TĂĄin BĂł Fraich, Book f Leinster ed./tr. J. OâBeirne Crowe, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Irish MSS series I, pt. I (1870), p. 134ff.; alternative MS ed/tr RC 24 (1903), 127ff. âThere is a suggestion of another love affair between a supernatural being and a mortal woman in the Agallamh na Senorachâ âMuldumarec is by no means the only example of the supernatural lover in mediaeval romance. Caradoc, the hero of a long section of Perceval, is the son of a supernatural father and a mortal mother. The latter, after the birth of Caradoc, is shut up by her husband in a âtor de perrineâ (v. 12, 936), where she is visited by her lover, who is finally captured and punishedâ see also Tydorel, Sir Gowther, Sir Orfeo. 431â32 re Dinnsenchus stuff Book of Leinster; 1 has Aed, son of the Dagda, shagging wife of Corrcend (mortal?) and being killed; Book of Ballymote has Bennan mac Brec kills Ibel, son of MannanĂĄn mac Lir for similar offence. Refs to RC 16 1895 42 and 50 (therefore secondary not primary?) and Silva Gadelica. Yay. 434â35 also re Dinnshenchus, Book of Ballymote RC 15 (1894),272ff, 16 (1895), 31ff, 135ff., 269ff.! et al. refs. â âTuag, daughter of Conall, son of Eterscel, there was she reared, in Tara [apart from men], with a great host of Eriuâs kingsâ daughters about her to protect her. After she had completed her fifth year no man was allowed to see her, so that the King of Ireland might have the wooing of her. Now ManannĂĄn sent unto her a messenger, (one) of his fair mes[435]sengers, even Fir Figail, son of (the elf-king) Eogabal (a fosterling and druid of the Tuatha DĂ© Danann), in a womanâs shape, and he was three nights there.â On the fourth night he chanted a âsleep-spellâ over her and carried her off to Inver Glas, where she was accidentally drowned. Here, as in the lay of Yonec, a woman secluded from the society of men is visited by a fairy man who is a shape-shifter and who assumes the form of a woman in order to reach her, just as Muldumarec takes his mistressâs shape in order to receive the sacramentâ (434â35). 432â34 re Compert Mongain in Lebhor na h-Uidre, but summarises C15 version (!); âManannĂĄn mac Lir assumes the form of Fiachna Lurga, king of the Ulster Dalriada, and with the latterâs permission visits his wife. He tells her that she will bear a son who shall be called Mongan and will be famousâ (433). Tochmarc Etaine is thankfully fairy on fairy (440). Togail Bruidne
DĂĄ Derga 440â43. Dinnshenchas poem re Bude 443â53. Cross, T. P., âThe Celtic FĂ©e in Launfalâ, in Anniversary Papers by Colleagues and Pupils of George Lyman Kittredge: Presented on the Completion of his Twenty-Fifth Year of Teaching in Harvard University, June, MCMXIII, ed. by Robinson, Sheldon and Neilson (London, 1913), pp. 377â87. Usual dubious assumptions, e.g. âThe stories outlined above belong to that group of mediĂŠval poems known as Breton Lays; that is, they claim descent from Celtic tradition. That this claim is justified cannot, however, be assumed, for it is well known that not every poem calling itself a Breton Lay is based on Celtic material [is if any poem did so call itself!!]â but finishes para by reckoning âOnly in case our search through early Celtic literature prove fruitless, are we at liberty to turn elsewhereâ (379). ManâŠ! Does provide lots of egs. of fĂ©es Ă la fontaine etc. and usually
2 servants who take knight to their mistress, both An and OIr. *Cross, Tom Peete, âThe Celtic Elements in the Lays of Lanval and
Graelentâ, Modern Philology, 12 (1915), 585â644. Re maire de france. Cross, Tom Peete, Motif-Index of Early Irish Literature, Indiana University Publications, Folklore Series, 7 (Bloomington: Indiana University, 1952). [Edinburgh .39806 Ind] Maddeningly gives references only to publications, not to texts. F300 Marriage or liaison with fairy. Vast majoriy concern female fairies and male mortals. F301.6* Fairy lover abducts fairy wife of mortal; F301.8* Fairy runs away from wedding with mortal girl; F305 offspring of fairy and mortal. XXXXweird, whereâs the fairy loverentry that I thought underlay the following, and whatâs itâs number?) eriu 3 169f; early irish 350n; Thurneysen heldens. 613f.; rc 12 p.
63, 73; 31 430f, 443f. 446f. (ie. Cross 1910); TBD 12; voyage of bran
ed meyer I 44f; Crowley, Joseph, âAnglicized Word Order in Old English Continuous
Interlinear Glosses in British Library, Royal 2. A. XXâ, Anglo-Saxon
England, 29 (2000), 123â51. Goes for âthe last quarter of the eighth
century or the first quarter of the ninthâ (123); n. 2 has full refs.
For full decription see Doane 1994, i 52-9. Crummey, Donald, âLiteracy in an Oral Society: The Case of Ethiopian
Land Recordsâ, Journal of African Cultural Studies, 18.1 (June 2006),
9â22. DOI: 10.1080/13696850600750251. Totally cool similarities with
medieval tradition, even to the point where records have witnesses and
are written in the margins of liturgical texts, with cool material on
the relationship of the oral context to the written. But little on place-names:
just âIn very few cases did informants fail to identify place names
mentioned in the documents, an indication of the profound socio-cultural
continuity obtaining in GondÀr and Gojjam. We made particular soundings
concerning the Qwesqwam mĂ€zgĂ€b [sic re font]. âThe land of BajĂ€naâ
is todayâs Lay ArmacâĂ€ho, where the principal place names were
all still operative, opening up the possibility, still unrealized, of
a detailed historical geography of this part of Ethiopiaâ (15). Had
some nice stuff about people nicking each othersâ MSS too. *Crummey, Donald, Land and Society in the Christian Kingdom of Ethiopia:
From the Thirteenth to the Twentieth Century (Urbana: University of
Illinois Press, 2000) *Cruse, D. A., Lexical Semantics (Cambridge 1986) Cubitt, Catherine, Anglo-Saxon Church Councils c.650âc.850 (London:
Leicester University Press, 1995). 298 reckons that P S-W (presumably
in the west midlands religion book) puts Augustinaes Ac at Aust, Gloucs,
and views it as an aetiological tale. 83 mentions reporting of direct
speech in synodal accountsâinteresting and something which I should
follow up. Cites HE IV.5 (council of Hertford); Boniface, Epistolae
no 59 on trial of Aldebert and Clement; VSW ch 29-32, 53; S 1258, S
1187. Cubitt, Catherine, âSites and Sanctity: Revisiting the Cult of
Murdered and Martyred Anglo-Saxon Royal Saintsâ, Early Medieval Europe,
9 (2000a), 53â83. Arguing for SS lives and cults as reflections of
popular lay Xianity in ASE. Daring. Cool. 56â57 re problems for getting
at popular religion; âAll of these are sensible cautions but have
[57] resulted in a curious state of affairs where it is respectable
for a historican to discuss popular practices in any period from about
1100 onwards but not for earlier centuries. Anglo-Saxon religion tends
therefore to be seen from the top down, in terms of the churchâs teaching
and regulations. The resulting picture is dominated by the institutional
and by the learned. Thus the religious beliefs of the seventh to eleventh
centuries look extraordinarily educated and orthodox. But is seems most
unlikely that the Christian beliefs of the ordinary lay person in the
pre-Conquest period simply consisted of those derived from orthodox
teachingâ (56â57). â âThe corpus of saintsâ lives concerning
royal saints who met violent ends can act as a window onto lay and non-élite
religious beliefs; it manifests a number of characteristics which are
unusual in Anglo-Saxon hagiography. These include motifs and episodes
not derived from biblical and patristic Christianity. In contrast to
texts like Bedeâs Life of St Cuthbert or the eleventh-century Life
of St Ăthelwold, which generally imitate either the Bible or the standard
hagiographical models such as Sulpicius Severusâ Life of St Martin,
these vitae recount stories about severed heads, dismembered corpses,
sacred trees and holy wells. Such motifs probably have their origins
in pre-Christian beliefs which continued into the Christian period and
which were often absorbed into the religious practices of the ordinary
laity and probably not perceived as pagan or opposed to Christian traditionsâ
(57). Good on vengeance miracles, localisation, etc. (57). Often a high-status
guy gets hit (58). Cf. *J. M. H. Smith, âOral and Written: Saints,
Miracles, and Relics in Brittany, c. 850-1250â, Speculum, 65 (1990),
309-43. âA recent study of Oswaldâs cult by Thacker also argues
for its lay origins and draws attention to other curious features such
as its interest in Oswaldâs severed head and dismembered corpse. Thacker
accumulates evidence for the association between Oswaldâs cult and
sacred wells and points out that the healing of a horse by Oswald may
be linked to the pagan worship of horsesâ (61). Otherwise becomes
a bit of a tour round SS lives, but might be useful for waking dead
SS research. Cubitt, Catherine, âVirginity and Mysogyny in Tenth- and Eleventh-Century
Englandâ, Gender and History, 12 (2000b), 1â32. Actually just about
Ălfric. âVirginity was the banner of the reform movement, as Mary
Claytonâs work on the cult of the Virgin Mary has amply demonstrated.
The movement demanded celibacy and preferably virginity of its own monk
and nuns and extended these essentially monastic standards to the secular
clergy and to women living under vows. Sexual abstinence was the hallmark
of the new monasticismâ (3). 2â6 on Ălfric being totally into chastity
and core to his doctrine etc., 6â9 and actually the whole article
really on how this manifest in his texts. 5â6 on intimate association
of devil with lust etc. âThis potent association between virginity
and martyrdom had implications for Ălfricâs understanding of the
monastic life. The virgin martyrs were powerful icons of the monastic
life but their intended audience was composed, I shall argue, primarily
of male monks rather than of the female religious. For Ălfric, virginity
was essentially an attribute of male monasticism: he associated this
supreme spiritual virtue chiefly with men rather than with women. Female
monasticism was marginal to the ideology of the monastic reforms in
EnglandâŠâ (9, cf. 9â13). The business with chastity crucial because
reformers have got into an ideology that those who celebrate mass should
be sexually pure, and this makes womenâs chastity kind of irrelevant
and Ă just seems to marginalise them (13). 13â14 re Ălfric on nativity
of Mary: âIt thus appears that for Ălfric the virginity of women
was problematic and prone to carnal emptation and spiritual danger:
his discussion of it has a strong negative undertowâ (14). âIf women
in Ălfricâs writings are more capable of bearing contradictory meanings
than their male counterparts, these meaningsa re also more consistently
sexualised than menâs. For example, in seeking to display the error
of astrology, Ălfric presents the example of two girls born simultaneouslyââone
will be modest and the other shamelessâ. Once virginity is removed
as their prime characteristic, then the symbolic residue left to them
is positively radioactive with ssexual danger. Sexuality rather than
virginity becomes womenâs essential qualityâ (16, cf. 16â18).
Men donât do as badly. asks âHow influential was Ălfricâs teaching?â
(21) and emphs that heâs important and influential with lots of contexts
in high places 21â22; âWhile Ăfricâs attitudes may not have been
typical of all Anglo-Saxon churchmen, and indeed may have been anathema
to the laity at large, they mattered to many of those who held powerâ
(22). Cubitt, Catherine, âFolklore and Historiography: Oral Stories and
the Writing of Anglo-Saxon Historyâ, in Narrative and History in the
Early Medieval West, ed. by E. M. Tyler and R. Balzaretti, Studies in
the Early Middle Ages, 16 (Brepols, 2006), pp. 189â223. âPopular
stories have a vital contribution to make to the study of orality in
the erly Middle Ages. Historians have tended to focus upon questions
of orality and literacy in governmental administration and legal dealings
while amongst literary scholars, the most pressing questions have concerned
the composition of Old English poetry and the nature of heroic verseâ
(210). Curzan, Anne, Gender Shifts in the History of English (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003). Ch. 5 âGender and asymmetrical word histories: when boys could be girlsâ basically on changing lexicon of gendered words for people 133â79. Seems to seriously rate Kleparsky and I must check it out; also into Geeraerts. Methodological comments of relevant hist. semantics. 134â41. âKelparsky dates the revitalization of historical semantics to developments in cognitive linguistics, particularly protype semantics as developed by scholars such as EleanorRosch ⊠In brief, the premise of cognitive linguistics is that human reason or thought is embodied, and that the categories of language impose structure on the world, rather than the world being objectively reflected in languageâ (136). 136â37 on prototype theory, where you donât do componential type stuff but identify a focus of meaning, whose limits are fuzzy (fuzzy being a technical term), with metaphor providing the linking mechanism for some of the more peripheral members. Particularly into ânon-denotational meaningâ (connotation to the rest of usâŠ) as this is very tied into social structures etc. (137). âAs Kleparsky also notes, Geeraerts sets up one of the more useful explanatory frameworks for semantic change, stating that any explanation must consist of: (1) an overview of the range of possible changes (including mechanisms of semantic change); (2) factors that cause speakers to realize one of these possibilities; and (3) an examination of how change spreads through the linguistic communityâ (137). âThe more speaker-oriented perspective espoused by models such as Geerartsâs is critical to conceptualizing how words change meaning over time. Given that speakers are active participants in language formation and change, the concept of âcommunicative needâ should be included as a factor in the analysis of any semantic change. Word meaning is inextricably intertwined with the extralinguistic world and with speakersâ attempts to talk about their perspective on [137] that world; speakersâ expressive needs, therefore, strongly influence new word creation and changes in use and meaning of existing words within a speech community (the realisation of possibilities, as Geeraerts puts it)â (136â37). âEven with a more discourse-oriented or speaker-based model of semantics, it can be easy to fall into historical semantic explanations that describe words changing meanings rather than speakers using words with a different meaning, in part because the written records that remain generally cannot recapture the dynamics of discourse. In addition, the overall systematicity of language can encourage explanations based on language structure. The histories of words often seem to lend themselves to functional explanations; in the literature written on the development of words for adults and children in English, the word need crops up fairly often. This âneedâ is often discussed in a structural framework, accompanied by ideas such as âholesâ in a given semantic field âpulling inâ a new word as a âslot-fillerâ (âŠ.[ref]âŠ). Perhaps a more useful way to think of âneedâ is communicative need, especially in the field of semantics, which is so closely tied to the extralinguistic world of speakers and referents; communicative need as well as avoidance of ambiguity and the [139] maintenance of communicative clarity can effectively explain many lexical innovations and shifts in meaningâ (138â39). Yeah, thoâ NB that paradigmatic change effected for non-semantic reasons might open up semantic possibilities. âFundamentally, Kleparskiâs (1997) emphasis on the âsingularity of semantic changeâ is critical: the centrality of individual words and the individuality of semantic change. Each word, in many ways, has its own story to tell. And yet, the historical semantic patterns of words that refer to similar referents are often undeniable, so the story of one word may be revealing about more than just that wordâs meaning and historyâ (141). Stuff about boy and girl and things not too relevant; âMan and
Wife?â 158â72. 159 re how man and woman havenât had proper studies
for English and certainly OEâbut UmeĂ„ project by Persson doing stuff?
Whew didnât get much more out of this, but useful to citeto give impression
of learning⊠Cusack, Carole M., Conversion among the Germanic Peoples (New York and London: Cassell, 1998). âTrompfâs argument is also fascinating because he attemps to identify such a transition in the development of Gnostic theologies in the early Christian period, demonstrating that the colonial paradigm may be useful in illuminating the more distant past ⊠In an article which attempted to isolate the characteristics of the âperennial religionâ ⊠[15], Trompf triumphantly charted the victory of this-worldy primal concepts over other-worldly Christian ideas. Perennial religion is characterized by a concern for the physical well-being of the individual and the tribe, an ideal of warrior hood, and a continued relationship with departed ancestors. Key terms in this world view include power, fertility, light and darknessâ (14-15). âIn general, the more internally-oriented and doctrinally defined versions of Christianity and associated theories of religious experience are demonstrably inappropriate to the study of Christianization in the early medieval period, principally because the people who comprised the various early medieval societies were not accustomed to regarding themselves as discrete individuals capable of personal decisions in the area of beliefs and practicesâ (18). Disses Russel chapter 5. Cusack, Carole M., 'Brigit: Goddess, Saint, âHoly Womanâ, and Bone of Contention', in On a Panegyrical Note: Studies in Honour of Garry W Trompf, ed.by Victoria Barker, Frances Di Lauro and Carole Cusack, Sydney Studies in Religion (2007), 75-97 http://escholarship.library.usyd.edu.au/journals/index.php/SSR/article/view/126/147. It's a journal but it looks like a book! I think. D Damico, Helen, Beowulfâs Wealhtheow and the Valkyrie Tradition (Madison: The University of Wisconsin Press, 1984). Basic argument is that WealĂŸeow has her parallels in ON just like everyone else (esp. 16)âseems decent premise. âIn contrast to this radiant, courtly warrior-figure, Old Norse literature records what is thought to be an earlier conception of the valyrie as an elemental force, a fierce battle-demon. These grim war-spirits were of souther Germanic origin. The location was evidently of some improtance, for even when the figure is poeticizd into the gold-adorned noblewoman discussed above, it retains its southern origin as an identifying markâ (43). hmm, do I believe this? Main ref is Donahue 2â5. âOccasionally, the Old Norse documents juxtapose the sinister battle-demon with the radiant, courtly figure of the later tradition. Thus, Brynhild is placed in opposition to the giantess (in Helr), Freyja to Hyndla (in [44] Hyndl), Svava to Hrimgerth, and Yrsa to Olof. It is this adversary relationship that Ellis Davidson sees as possibly reflective of two distinctive religious conceptions of the afterlifeâ (43-44). 41-44 kind of survey of ON ev but not the sort of rigour Iâd want. âLatin equivalents for the term wĂŠlcyrge ⊠found in Anglo-Saxon glossesâŠâ!!NO!!! (44). 44-45 mihtigan wif in Wið fĂŠr as valks. Bee charm 45 likewise. Takes Grendelâs ma as Valk 46. Hrrmph. âModthrythoâ 46-49 âAlthough her environment is courtly and she herself is a freoðuwebbe âpeace-weaverâ, Modthrythoâs weaving of slaughter-bonds is reminiscnet of the weaving of xhains and twisting of shackles in which the idisi of the Merseberg charm engageâ (47). No ev for this but an oddly attractive idea. Would it work at all for Deor, Völundarkviða, etc? Re Modthrytho 46â47, citable circumspectly for valk/shield-maiden link I guess. Reckons Modthrythoâs paralleled by Grendelâs ma re Ăschere: âThe details of both sequencesâthe doomed beloved champion, the hand-seizure, the victimâs enthralment, the shearing sword, the personal injury, and the baleful deathâall point to similarity in action between the ides aglĂŠcwif [macrons] ⊠and the peerless peace-weaverâ (48). Hmm. There must be decent articles on Thryth around. Sees sexual element in Freyja etc.; âIn fact, all the valkyrie-brides have erotic desire as a dominant trait. An understanding of this characteristic may lie at the root of Aldhelmâs association of concupiscence with the valkyrie when he glosses wĂŠlcyrie for veneris in De Laude Virginitatis and offers gydene âgoddessâ as a synonymâ (48) check that [cites Napier 1900, 115]. And how right is she about âperverted eroticism in Freyjaâs characterâ etc.? (49). âAt base, all the female characters under consideration seek gratificationâânot sexual, just to get their own way. Cf. WBT! Even when disaster must follow (e.g. Sigrun in HH2) (49). Fair enough; fits also with Hervör. Efforts to connect this with female saints (48-50) less convincing. Seems to go with Eliason that Thryth and Hygd the same person (51); either way, points up a pairing like Freyja-Hyndla etc. And suggests Grendelâs ma-Wealhtheow likewise (51). 51-3 re Housesteads ex-votos re Mars and alaisiages, poss. female war-goddess types; look sfairly good from her description. âAbout midway between the third and eleventh centuries, another image of the valkyrie began to surface. Archaeological artefacts of the North indicate that the gender of Odinâs emissaries on the battlefield had changed. His female companions had been displaced by dancing youths, as the figures on the Sutton Hoo helmet an Torlunda dies would suggest. Memorial stones and pendants represent the battle-maid transformed into a [54] welcoming figure at the courtyard at ValhallaâŠâ 53-4, citing a couple of pages of Ellis, Pagan Scandinavia for this. Cool idea if so, as it would be paralleled by OE goings on, no? Of nine instances of ful in Bwf, 6 are re Wealhtheow. suggests link with bragarfull 54-55, citing Yngl. ch. 36, HĂĄkonar saga góða ch. 14; HHrvðsn; âThe ritual in both Old Norse episodes quoted above may well describe the formalized activity taking place in Wealhtheowâs initial sequence (55). Actually, yeah, the parallels she suggests are pretty good (55-6); esp. âAs do the Nordic oaths, Beowulfâs vow has religious and fatalistic force. When Welhtheow holds out the ful to the prince, she utters a prayer of thanksgiving to God in which she allusively identifies Beowulf as the purger of evil in Heorot. In receiving the vessel, he accepts this identity. His gilpcwide over the fulâthe pledge to the futureâis a seal of destiny ⊠The instigator of the gilpcwide, the bearer of the charge of heroic destiny, has been Wealhtheow. // In Old Norse heroic poetry ⊠the figure with authority to present the challenge of heroic destiny to the hero is the valkyrie ⊠// The religious aura that informs the relationship of the hero and the valkyrie of the Helgi lays is the quality that best elucidates the encounters between Beowulf and Wealhtheowâ (56). I rather like this (for full argument cite 53-57). âWealhtheow may very well be the earliest representation of the other concept of the battle-maid: the nobly born valkyrie, human with supernatural attributes, that permeates the heroic lays of the Poetic Eddaâ (57); but NB that Wealhtheow neednât be a valk as suchâcf. GuðrĂșn or Hervör as reflecting and modelled on Brynhildr but not her, etc. 58â68 worries over name. One Erik Björkman argued in 1919 that wealh was in continental sense of Romance, Frankish, ĂŸeow could denote noble hostage etc. (62-4). Gordon in 1935 took it as âchosen servantâ, 1st element originally < *wala, cognate with ValĂŸjĂłfr (? will that work?), OHG waladeo. Cf. EcgĂŸeow âsword-servantâ, etc. âGordon and Björkman also observe that, except in Beowulf, -ĂŸeow [macr. on e] unfailingly appears in menâs names in Old English and Old Norse, as it does in Old High German, barring those few instances where it is recorded in a womanâs nameâ (65)! But interesting. rchaic? (65). âWhen âĂŸeow[macr on e] does appear in a womanâs name, Gordon notes, it carries martial and religious associations, the first element referring either to the war-goddess Hild (OHG Hildithiu), the valkyrie Funn (ON GunnĂŸjĂłfr), or more generally to âbattleâ .â (65). âThe composite characteristics deriving from Björkmanâs and Gordonâs readings of WealhĂŸeow[macr] create a portrait of a female of noble birth, southern in origin, who undergoes a period of enslavement, and who has marital and priestly attributes. [!!!re conflation; but see further:] In Germanic literature, the female figure that epitomizes these traits is the valkyrie in the heroic lays of the Poetic Edda. As already noted in the discussion of the figure in Chapter 3, one of the prime characteristics of the battle-maidsâin both their grim and their benevolent aspectsâis their southern origin. Another is their royal or aristocratic birth. In addition, the valkyries consistently share the experience of a momentary enslavement that subsequently leads to freedom and/or regained status. Volundarkviða[hooked o] describes an abduction of three of these alvitr âall-wiseâ, meyjar sunnan âmaidens from the southââŠ[66], and apparently Brynhild endures a similar enslavement. Called HjĂĄlmmeyjar âhelmet-maidsâ and hjĂĄmvitr âhelmet-creaturesâ, terms that relate conceptually to Björkmanâs rendering of ides Helminga, they are the chosen servants of Odin and, in the heroic lays, charge the hero-king with his destinyâ (65-66). Well, interesting. Much that is wayward in the methodologies here thoââjust gets on happily with wealh as = wĂŠl! Even thoâ she understands its transparent meaning (59-62). âApart from its use as a gloss for virgo, ides is chiefly poetic terminology. In Genesis, it carries the general sense of woman (occasionally with the specific connotation of âwifeâ) irrespective of class or marital state. Hagar, Sarah, and the exiled women of Sodom and Gomorrah are ides, as are Cainâs wife and Lotâs daughters (when unmarried and virgins). In nearly all instances where the term has a specific referent, it is accompanied by either an adjective or an appositional phrase that denotes radiance, beauty, or nobility ⊠/ In both Christian and secular epic, ides likewise appears in conjunction with delimiting words that express nobility, beauty, or courageâ (68). Except GâsM of course (69)âsees deliberate semantic tension here, but cfs. dĂs. NBs theyâre âvery closely alliedâ to âvalkyriesâ (69-70). NBs Idistaviso and Grimm (70). NBs ides Scyldinga, dĂs Skjoldunga[hooked o] (71). Assocs Wealhtheowâs mĂŠgĂŸa hose (924b) with bands of vvalkries etc. 71-3. Nothing really to support it, but again, an interesting idea. Potential semantic overlap of ides and mĂŠgĂŸ, nothing v. convincing (73). Goes for martial connotations in hos, NBs he could have used heap or ĂŸreat. Hmm, does this stand up? (73-4). Otherwise stuff on tenuous verbal similarities, esp. goldhroden, gull(h)roðinn, in descriptions that arenât too well handled and donât really go anywhere. âWealhtheowâs possession of the healsbeaga[macr 2nd e] mĂŠst, the necklace that the poet compares to Freyjaâs BrĂsinga men, is an identifying object that un-[85]questionably allies her with the chief valkyrie. Both objects have religious associations. The healsbeah[macr] has been identified by Magoun as a stallahringr âaltar-ringâ upon which sacred oaths were made (see Chap. 7 below, pp. 169â71) and by Ellis Davidson as a possible symbolic ornament ⊠worn by worshippers of Odin. Moreover, both Freyja and Wealhtheow are associated with the âpeace-weaverâ motif; they are symbols of amnesty, even if only temporary, between nations in Wealtheowâs case and between rival deities in Freyjaâsâ (84-5). 68-86 citable as careless assumption that ides really is significantly similar to dĂsâthoâ I guess also successfully emphs the potential that this is so. *Damico, Helen, âĂrymskviða and Beowulfâs Second Fight: The Dressing of the Hero in Parodyâ, SS 58 (1986), c. 407. Whatâs SS? Scand stud? Damico, Helen, âThe Valkyrie Reflex in Old English Literatureâ, in New Readings on Women in Old English Literature, ed. by Helen Damico and Alexandra Hennessey Olsen (Bloomington, Indiana, 1990), pp. 176â90. Goes with sigewif = bees as also = valkyries, following Davidson, Chadwick, et al. (178). Nothing convincing enough to stick otherwise. Dance, Richard, âNorth Sea Currents: Old EnglishâOld Norse Relations,
Literary and Linguisticâ, Literature Compass, 1 (2004), 1â10, available
at http://vle.leeds.ac.uk/site DâAronco, Maria Amalia, âThe Botanical Lexicon of the Old English Herbariumâ, Anglo-Saxon England, 17 (1988), 15â33. âAmong the innovations which were stimulated, even if indirectly, by the knowledge of Greek and Latin medicine and botany, one may note the compound wedeberge which translates the Latin elleborum album (Veratrum album Linn., âwhite helleboreâ). The Old English compound does not correspond either formally or semantically to its Latin model. Nevertheless its first element wede, âlunaticâ, âcrazyâ (cf. OE wod âmadnessâ) finds some justification in the belief which in classical antiquity associated elleborum with madnessâ (30). Davidson, Andrew R., âThe Legends of Ăiðreks saga af Bernâ
(Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1995) [PhD.
19711]. analogues to Velent surveyed 8â15. âRe La3amon Wite3e ref:
âclearly his[Welandâs] rĂŽle as âalusic smiðâ (21130) has been
transferred to his son. Sir Frederic Madden translates âhe [the smith]
was names Wygar, the witty wightâ, but G. L. Kittredge corrected this
by pointing out that Wygar would be an appropriate name for a piece
of armour, derived from OE âwigheardâ, âbattle-hardâ, and that
Wite3e could be from OE Widia (see âViðgaâ, below). This interpretationhas
been generally accepted by later commentatorsâ (9, with refs n. 9
not incl. Allenâs trans). 13 nicely disses idea that Weland is a cripple
on FrC due to bent legâeveryone on the left panel has one + one of
the Magi! NBs that the two giants from whom Duke Wielant flees in the
Low German Heldenbuch (summary p. 8) are like the dwarves in Ăiðreks
saga (16). âĂiðreks saga and VĂłlundarkviða are the only two sources
that definitely make the figure supernatural. Admittedly the other sources
say nothing against it, and La3amon lends his dubious support to the
ideaâ (20). NB thoâ I have 3, Andrew has yogh. Vaði useful survey
of analogues 21â29, otherwise nothing exciting. Viðga 30â36. âYet
the popularity of this figure, who might be the Vidigoia that Jordanes
calls the âbravest of the Goths, [who] perished by the guile of the
Sarmatiansâ (§178) and lists (§43) among those âwhose fame among
them [the Goths] is great; such heroes as admiring antiquity scarce
proclaims its own to beâ, has subsequently waned to such an extent
that there is no standard English form of his name for the use of present-day
scholarsâa melancholy reflectionâ (30). 32â33 re modern Scand
ballads with interesting analogues to Völundr stuff. Nothing very certain,
but some nice correspondences. 42â50 Valtari. **Hilda Davidson, âFostering by Giants in Old Norse Sagasâ, Medium
Ăvum, 10 (1941). BĂĄrðar saga in it apparently. *Davidson, H. E., âShape-Changing in Old Norse Sagasâ, in Animals
in Folklore, ed. by J. P. Porter and W. Russell (London, 1978), 126â42. *Davidson, T., âElf-Shot Cattleâ, Antiquity 30 (1956) Davidson, Thomas, âNotions Concerning the Wieland Sagaâ, Folklore,
69 (1958), 193-95. Summary of C. Ballhausen, same title, Powder Metallurgy
Bulletin 7 1956 69-73. Demythologising Velentâs sword-manufacturing
in Ăiðreks saga. A bit interesting. Davies, Anthony, âWitches in Anglo-Saxon Englandâ, in Scragg
1989 [which?!XXXX], pp. 41-56. Discusses Hereward witch, hills, Wilfrid,
Norse analogues p. 43 (omits HrĂłlfs saga). Sceptical of magicl importance
of all thatâjust handy if yer gonna curse someone. Considers Hereward
witch fabrication. Malmesbury, Gesta Regum, re a witch. Kind of cool
but again no doubt a load of bollox (43-5). âWilliam of Malmesbury
was a ânotable historian ⊠learned and original, and ⊠a good
writerâ. But his analytic intelligence which is evident when he deals
with the early Anglo-Saxon period vanishes when he comes to the immediate
past. It is then he serves up fables like that of the witch of Berkeley.
A recent commentator has suggested that this uncritcal attitude to his
own time suggests an âambivalent attitude to the pastâ and a âdegree
of inner conflictâ in Williamâs view of historical reality [R. Thompson,
William of Malmesbury (Woodbridge, 1987), p. 24]. Events long past he
could deal with free of the constraints imposed by his monastic background,
the near present he could not. Hence the increased presence of trivial
anecdotes and miracles as he neared his own ageâ (45). Robertson,
pp. 68-9 charter discussed pp. 49-51. NB copyist writes Ălfsige and
Ălsie. *Davies, Anthony, âSexual Behaviour in Later Anglo-Saxon Englandâ,
in The Noble Craft, ed. by Erik Kooper, Costerus 80 (Atlanta, 1991),
pp. 83â106. Davies, Owen, âHealing Charms in Use in England and Wales 1700-1950â,
Folklore, 107 (1996), 19â32. Davies, Owen, âHag-Riding in Nineteenth-Century West-Country England
and Modern Newfoundland: An Examination of an Experience-Centred Witchcraft
Traditionâ, Folk Life, 35 (1997), 36-53. Basically arguing for the
applicability of Ness 1978 and Hufford 1982 to C19 English data, which
seems pretty convincing. âUp to the early twentieth century, in parts
of western and southern England, the dialect terms âhag-ridingâ
and âhaggingâ were populary used to describe a terrifying nocturnal
assault by a witch. In Somerset and Dorset between 1852 and 1875, at
least six court cases resulted from assaults upon suspected witches
accused of hag-ridingâ (36). ââŠduring the nineteenth century,
it was only in parts of western and southern England that the term was
commonly and directly applied to witches and their nocturnal assaultsâ
(36). Lexically a Somerset, Dorset, Wiltshire, West Sussex thing, but
he finds most going on in Somerset and Dorset (37). NB that this is
pretty much Wessex, and it is possible that the prevalence of this sort
of thing in the W-S medical texts is partly local (thoâ of course
NB the geog. distrib. of mara etc. is nothing if not wide!); different
emphases in Socttish stuff, perhaps. âIn the context of the hag-riding
experience, the term âhagâ was also applied to fairies who, like
witches, were accused of riding horses at night, leaving them exhausted,
sweating, and with tangled manes in the morning. In Somerset, for example,
horses were said to be âhag-ridedâ as well as âpixy-ridedâ by
the fairies, and amongst the people living in the Axminster area, near
the Devon and Dorset border, the âHagâ was known as âa kind of
demoniacal fairy, supposed to possess supernatural power over horses
and other animalsâ.â (37). Similar term in Newfoundland, many migration-
and trading-links between the areas (37-38). 40-41 covers C19 West Country
data. 41-42 notes that C19 folks us. see the witch who attacks them,
but puts this down to cultural context. âIn this context it is worth
noting that while fairies were often accused of hag-riding horses, I
have not come across any accounts where a person has claimed to have
been hag-ridden by a fairy. This could be directly linked to the witchcraft
etiology of hag-riding attacks, in that the hag-ridden victim usually
has someone, i other words a local witch, very much in mind. During
a hag-riding attack the victimâs mind was more likely to preject a
clear physical image of a known person, rather than the hazy, unformed
popular image of a fairyâ (42). âAs both Ness and Hufford have discussed,
the hag-riding experience, as with various syndromes recorded in non-Western
cultures, have often been side-lines as culture-bound. However, it bears
remarkabale similarities to the well recorded, medically recognized,
condition known as âsleep paralysisâ, which is associated with the
disturbance of REM sleep episodes. Ness has summarized the symptoms
of sleep paralysis as follows: an inability to perform voluntary movements
on awakening (usually shortly after falling asleep), often accompanied
by vivid hypnagogic hallucinations lasting several minutes which end
either spontaneously, or as a result of the sufferer being touched or
spoken to. After the experience the sufferer feels anxious, exhausted
and sweatyâ (42). 42-45 re demographic distribution ofhag-riding.
Seems to be basically summary of Hufford. âThis study should also
caution historians from dismissing the perceived reality of witchcraft
assaultsâ (51). NB that while this looks good re, say, JĂłn Arnasonâs
account, itâs not much like the W-S medical texts which seem concerned
with fever. Davies, Owen, Cunning Folk: Popular Magic in English History (London, 2003). âThere has been considerable discussion in recent decades concerning the survival of shamanism in the magical traditions of Europe, particularly in the Balkans and north-east Europe. Based on the evidence from early modern witchcraft ttrials and more recent ethnographic research, it has been mooted that the practices and beliefs of some European cunning-folk, particularly in the south and east, displayed shamanic qualities. This ties in with the wider notion that cunning-folk represented an archaic survival of pan-European, pre-Christian religion. Referring to witchcraft and magic in early modern France, for instance, one historian has stated that, [sic re comma] âcunnning-folk are perhaps the most complete embodimentof the conglomeration of Roman Catholic doctrine, magical practices, animism, paganism, and common sense that were all to be found in the villagersâ mental worldâ. Can we really talk of paganism and anaimismwith regard to cunning-folk? More recently, a fine translation of a fascinating German study of a sixteenth-century Alpine healer, Chonrad Stoecklin, waspublished under the altered title of the Shaman of Oberstdorf. Shamanism in early modern Germany? England is even further away geographically and culturally from the main focus of this debate, but some engagement with it is isntructiveâ (177). But doesnât buy it. Even the stuff involving trances etc., without journeys in spirit world, is just âa generic form of faith healing apparent even today in the world of Christian evangelismâ (180). âWhile there was presumably a commercial motive in labelling Chonrad Stoecklin a âshamanâ, there was also a credible interpretive [sic] reason in that he claimed that his magical abilities derived from his periodic travels with the Nachtschar or âphantoms of the nightâ. These journeys would begin with the appearance of an angel guide, at which point he would, in his own words, be âovercome by lethargy, an [sic] unconsciousnessâ. [citing trans. p. 23] One might call this state trance-like, but considering these visits mostly occurred at night, as with the benandanti, one might also describe it as sleepâ (182). âExamining the arying emphasis magical practitioners placed on fairy relations and innate spirit mediation at a regional level leads us back to those two major cultural influencesâreligion and literacyâ (183), so post-reformation healerâs canât rely on fairy lore for appeal, but literacy; those that do as in Sicily fairy types are poor women. Biggest FX in protestant countries. This doesnât nec. affect fairy belief, only its relevance to healersâ power, as in C19 Wales (182â84). Finally lays into the shamanic bit 185, so total dissing is 177â85. Vs paganism 185â86: âAs lay magical healers, cunning folk certainly filled a pre-Christian role in society, just as the priest occupied a pre-Christian role as official mediator between the living and the spirit world, between the mortal and the immortal. But few historical insights are to be gained from seeking an archaic or shamaic lineage for cunning-folk. Such people were products of the religious cultures of their time and place, and they operated within the social boundaries and belief systems of their present, not their distant past. In pagan Europe there were people like [186] cunning-folk, just as there were blacksmiths, weavers and potters, but to emphasise their pagan roots is about as meaningful ormeaningless as pointing out the pagan origins of early modern pottingâ (185â86). *Davies, Wendy, 'The Place of Healing in Early Irish Society', in Sages, saints and storytellers: Celtic studies in honour of Professor James Carney (1989) pp. 43-55. Cusack 2007 says that 'Wendy Davies has studied the healing miracles, noting that the percentage overall is small and suggesting that "Irish clerical writers did not initially see healing as an appropriate manifestation of saintly power" ' citing this work. Interesting claim--would perhaps imply low cultural salience of healing in religion at this time? Useful re morality and health, markku, jari stuff? Davies, Wendy, âThe Celtic Kingdomsâ, in The New Cambridge Medieval
History: Volume I, c. 500âc. 700, ed. by Paul Fouracre (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 2005), pp. 232â62. Emphs ease of communication
in Ireland (so much water) vs difficulty in Wales and Scotland (and
because of the lack of water though not because of terrain, Brittany).
FX on homogeneity of language varieites? (233â34). Sees C6 and C7
plagues as really importantâthat of the 660s having major social consequences
in Ireland (234). Again, useful for explaining language-shifts? Lack
of commercial exchange; âNot surprisingly, then, these are areas of
little or no urbanisation; overwhelmingly rural, in most parts there
were no towns at all; Roman Caerwent almost certainly supported a monastery
by the late sixth century but no urban life; Roman Exeter and Roman
Carlisle probably had much reduced quasi-urban communities; Roman Carmarthen
may have had nothing [235] left but dilapidated buildingsâ (234â35,
no refs :-( ). Though Ireland lacks towns, it was perhaps economically
on the up c. 700 unlike Wales and Cornwall it seems (235). Not much
sign of immigration to Ireland, but plenty of emigration it seems. âNo
one believes nowadays that all the British (the indigenous population
of Britain) were pushed westwards by the Angle and Saxon settlers, for
it is perfectly clear from seventh-century and even some later texts
that a British language was still being spoken in parts of midland and
eastern England long after he English settlementâ (235âwhat ev?).
Some discussion of British migration to France/Brittany, emphing the
lack of ev (235â36). Cites Koch 1997 xliiâxliv âfor somethoughtful
comments on the process of linguistic change in the early Middle Agesâ
(237 n. 14), but now I check these I see that theyâre not very interesting
at allâjust seems to think that Norman and Roman conquests were military
and brief, contrasting them with more sustained A_S enterprise. Hmm...
Ireland and expansion of the UĂ NĂ©ill 240â46. Re northern Britain
isnât as sceptical as I would be (though hard to tell because of lack
of citations), and seems to take Koch very seriously (must read that...):
246â used HB ch. 63 to date the fall of a British king in southern
Yorkshire to âabout 617â. Puts fall of Edinburgh to the English
at 638, no ref. Deegan, Marilyn, âA Critical Edition of MS. B.L. Royal 12. D. XVII:
Baldâs Leechbook, 2 vols (unpubl. Ph.D. dissertation, Manchester Univ.,
1988), forthcoming for EETS. NB need Deeganâs permission to repeat
information from this. vii description of MS. viii-x detailed contents.
x-xi re script date provencance, xi-xii re lang (studied in 1908 it
turns out). xii-xiv re hist of MS (nowt really for AS). xviii-xxxiii
re latin sources. dead good survey but I didnât get the vibe of much
new exciting stuff etc. xxxiii-xxxvi(a) (sic!) re OE sources. Meany
1984 major here and Deeganâs contribution is mainly to summarise,
and print next to OE text. Commentary in vol. 2, relevant texts printed.
Glossary not much use. Most of the elf stuff after the Bald bit anyway.
Nowt new re sources etc. that I could see. Claims that âPart of the
reappraisal offered here places Baldâs Leechbook for the first time
in the tradition of scientific medicine which extends to the present
day. I have attempted to diagnose the diseases dealt with in the text
by consulting the appropriate medical works in use by modern diagnosticians.
This has revealed a facility for clinical description on the part of
the writer of Baldâs Leechbook hitherto unacknowledged by medical
historiansâ (abstract). Hmm, didnât see any ev of that myself but
maybe I didnât read the commentary enough. DeGregario, Scott, âTheorizing Irony in Beowulf: The Case of Hrothgarâ, Exemplaria, 11 (1999), 309â43. âScholars interested in Hrothgar have tended to focus on the epithets in isolation from other modes of characterization, insisting that the honorific phrases so liberally applied to him throughout the poem should everywhere be taken at face-valueâ (314); âThe central observation which needs to be made now is that critics such as Irving and Hill appear to understand irony in terms of the antiphrastic model, by which irony is an exclusive, binary trope that legitimizes and secdoures a single, negative meaning. The stated, literal meaningâhere, that Hrothgar is a good kingâis erased by and replaced with an ironic, diametrically opposite meaning, namely that Hrothgar is a bad king. The scholarly conversation around Hrothgar has, interestingly, long been fixated on the question of whether the poem presents him in a positive or a negative light [many refs], revealing the same tendency to binaristic, either/or thinking which has characterized critical assumptions about ironyâ (315). Re positive epithets for Hrothgar: âScholars often point out that such epithets are notable for their appropriateness to narrative context, as if they were a veritable ground-zero of standard, unambiguous heroic phraseology. But in some cases, it is equally clear, the obverse is true. At certain moments he epithets seem incongruously applied to Hrothgar, submerged as they are within narrative contexts or flanked as they are by compet[317]ing voices with which the panegyric voice of the epithets is clearly at varianceâ (316-17). Hrothgar as protector in name and not in deed when Grendel comes, 317-24; âThe point, to be sure, is not just that Hrothgar appears powerless here, but that he appears powerles amidst a dense collocation of honorifics stressing his might and fame. The combination cannot but strike us as incongruousâ (320). Not to say that Hrothgar is a cowardââIf there is irony in the way these voices play off each other, it is best described not as deterining a fixed meaning, but as precipitating a friction between meanings whose coexistance is shot through with semantic opennessâ (320). Likewise vixtory-famed stuff 324-27; wisdom 327-33 Notes Hrothâs tendency to hopelessness, 932-9 (âHrothgar admits here, for instance, that before Beowulfâs arrival his attitude was one of pure resignation, which envisaged no bot for alvaging the husa selest. He had, in short, tacitly accepted ddefeat, abandoned through his own hopelessness the very role which he, as hyrde, was obliged to fulfil. However much the epithets may ideally configure him as the guardian of his people, the Hrothgar the narrative depicts departs from such an idealâ (324)); 1322ff. (with Bwfâs rebuke 1384-91) (327-8). âDespite Beowulfâs addressing the king as snotor guma, âwise manâ, Hrothgar appears for the moment to have become so overwhelmed by grief that his great wisdom has been neutralized. As George Clark has pointed out, while Hrothgarâs grief is of course readily understandable in human terms, the extent of his surrender to it violated the standard of heroic behaviourâ (328 citing Clark, Beowulf, 105-6). Also Hâs hanging out with Hrothwulf and Unferth (328-30). Freawaru bit 330-33. âTo be sure, there is nothing inherently foolish in Hrothgarâs attempt to bring about peace through the alliance. On the contrary, his intentions are fully noble, meant to further the welfare of his people. But the idealizing voice of the epithets thus tells only half the storyâ (333). 334- re historiog of mechanical readings of epithets and vs the idea that oral literature, or lierary literature, canât (afford to) be ironic. âA dialogic concept of irony provides a way of talking about plural meaning, a way of seeing the gap in the poem between panegyric language and narrative actionâa gap which develops on the poemâs onw termsâas open-ended and complex, as meaning not one thing, but many simultaneously. As others have convincingly shown, open-endedness indeed characterizes all of [343] Beowulf; the restriction of my scope largely to the panegyric voice of the Hrothgar epithets is in no way intended to counter this claim, but only to theorize one particularly cogent localization of this open-endedness where none was though to exist beforeâ (342-43). Demarin, John Peter, A treatise upon the trade from Great-Britain to Africa: humbly recommended to the attention of government By John Peter Demarin, African Merchant Published by Printed for R. Baldwin, 1772. http://books.google.co.uk/books?id=i8ANAAAAQAAJ. *Dendle, Peter, âThe Demonological Landscape of the âSolomon
and Saturnâ Cycleâ, English Studies, 80 (1999), 281â92. Dendle, Peter, Satan Unbound: The Devil in Old English Narrative
Literature (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2001). âAny conceptualization
of âthe demonicâ, of course, continually overlaps with other representations
of evil (such as the demonization of non-Christian cultures, and of
non-human or partly human monsters such as whales or Grendel)â (4). *Dendle, Peter "Lupines, Manganese, and Devil-Sickness: An Anglo-Saxon Medical Response to Epilepsy"Bulletin of the History of Medicine - Volume 75, Number 1, Spring hummer,2001, pp. 91-101 The Johns Hopkins University Press Abstract The most frequently prescribed herb for "devil-sickness" in the vernacular medical books from Anglo-Saxon England, the lupine, is exceptionally high in manganese. Since manganese depletion has been linked with recurring seizures in both clinical and experimental studies, it is possible that lupine administration responded to the particular pathophysiology of epilepsy. Lupine is not prescribed for seizures in classical Mediterranean medical sources, implying that the Northern European peoples (if not the Anglo-Saxons themselves) discovered whatever anticonvulsive properties the herb may exhibit. ONLINE but I couldnât access it the day I found it. Dendle, Peter, âTextual Transmission of the Old English âLoss
of Cattleâ Charmâ, JEGP, 105.4 (2006), 514â39. Cool article, though
Iâm not sure what it really adds up to, comparing the various MSS
of this text.. Probably useful on some details like textual/oral variants. *Ders (?), de Vriend, Hubert Jan (ed.), The Old English Herbarium and Medicina
de Quadrupedibus, The Early English Text Society, 286 (London: Oxford
University Press, 1984). Doesnât offer any date for Lacnunga hand,
but the Herbarium stuff thought to be tenth or eleventh century with
little firther clue, except that language âis typical of the period
of Ălfric. A date earlier than c.975 is therefore highly improbableâ
(ssvi). Medicina de quadrupedis X §17 (p. 266) âDweorg onweg to donne,
hwites hundes ĂŸostâŠâ etc. Latin text: âAd verrucas tollendas
stercus canis albi tunsum cum farina, turtulam factam ante hora accessionis
dato aegro, manducet et sanatur; si autem nocte ad eum accedunt, simili
ratione dato ante accessionem, vehemens fit accessio, deinde minuitur
et recedetâ (267). Dweorg as verruca correlates very nicely with wenne
wenne wenchichene etc. Canât find correlates to Cameronâs refs p.
152 thoâ. And 337, note the X§17 is âIn the Latin version of this
cure, which is only found in L, the title is clealy that of a different
recipe. The OE version ws either taken from an exemplar which has the
correct title, or it was provided with the correct title by the translatorâ
(337). Great. Re lang. of Harley 585 (H) lxviiiâlxxiv (sounds and
spellings lxviiiâlxx; accidence lxxâlxxii). Alas, covers not weak
gen pl and a bit vague otherwise. Wið fÊrstice seems not impossibly
modernised. ***[RQD]de Vries, Jan, âVan Alven en Elvenâ, Nederlandsche Tijdschrift voor Volkskunde 36 (1931), pp. 3-30 Re this: âSome scholars have assumed that, because of the shared features, there is identity between the family of elves and the souls of the departed, among them Jan de Vries who supports his view by pointing to the alf who is still present in a similar aspect in Dutch folk beliefâ (Motz: 100) [not in glas comp. cat.] hu De Vries, Jan, âĂber Sigvats ĂlfablĂłtstrophenâ, Acta Philologica
Scandinavica 7 (1932â3), 169â180. [mod lang per AC0800 but Gla goes
not this early gah] De Vries, Jan, Altgermanische Religionsgeschichte, Grundriss der germanischen Philologie, 12, 2nd edn, 2 vols (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1956â57). Glasgow has this 1st ed; refs seem not to tie up from altnord dict. Check 2nd ed. 1.296-8 re alpenschuss etc. I 319â33 app. re seeresses etc. 2nd ed: Re place-names âEr lĂ€Ăt sich schon unmittelbar mit dem
skandinavischen FrĂžisaaker oder FrĂžsaker vergleichen; der Gott der
Fruktbarkeit wurde auf einem ihm geweihten Acker vererhtâ (II. 168,
§450). De Vries, Jan, Altnordisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, 2nd rev. edn (Leiden:
Brill, 1962). s.v. seið: âf.n. âzauberâ. â vgl. ae. ĂŠlfsiden
f. âelfenzauber, fieber [fever]â (Falk ANF 41, 1925, 136). â vgl.
seizla und sĂða 2. Man stellt [places] auch dazu wgerm. Saitchamiae,
BN. von matronae, das als âdie zauberhemmendenâ gedeutet wird. Die
seið wÀre also eine allgemein-germanische zauber-praktik, wenn auch
offenbar [obvious] ein schadenzauber damit gemeint ist (die deutung
von saitchamiae ist aber nur eine unsichere vermutung). W. WĂŒst, Ural-altaisches
Jahrbuch 26, 1955, 135â138, fĂŒhrt zum vergleich finn. soida âklingen,
lautenâ, soittaa âauf einem instrument spielen, lĂ€utenâ, wog.
sui, soi, sÄ« âstimme, klang; ruhmâ, ostj. sei[syllabic marker under
I] laut, stimmeâ, ung. zaj âgerĂ€usch, lĂ€rmâ an und vermutet
âerb- oder lehnverwandtschaftâ; in diesem fall wĂ€re das wort aus
dem finn.-ugr. in das ig. gewandert. Denn hierzu gehören weiter [wider]
lit. saitas âzubereiâ, saitu, saisti âzeichen deuten [interpret
a sign]â, kymr. hud [468] (<*soito) âmagieâ (s. Osthoff BB
21,1899, 158), degegen nicht ai. sÄman, gr. ÎżÌÎŻÎŒÎ· âgesangâ.
â Etymologie: 1. zu seiðr 3 [âband, gĂŒrtelâ], also eig. âband,
fesselâ (s. Bezzenberger BB 27, 1902, 150; StrömbĂ€ck, Sejd 1935,
120); auch sonstt berĂŒhen sich die begriffe âband, knotenâ und
âzaubereiâ, vgl. lat. fascinum âböser zaubereiâ zu fascia âbandâ,
ai. yukti âbindenâ und âmagisches mittelâ (s. Eliade, Rev. Hist.
d. Rel. 134, 1948, 26), und besonders Odins herfjá»turr oder VaruĆas[underring]
stricke. â 2. Wood MLN 18, 1903, 14 zu ahd sitĆn âaufĂŒhrenâ
[?anfĂŒhren: lead] (vgl. sĂða), unter hinweis auf ai. sÄ«dhyati âhat
erfolgâ, siddha- âvolkommen, wunderkrĂ€ftigâ und siddham âzauberkraftâ.
â 3. J. Trier, Lehm 1951, 41 verbindet das wort zwar auch mit seiðr
3, abert erklĂ€rt die. bed. âzauberâ nicht aus âfessel, strickâ,
sondern ays âmagischer kreisâ (also ein âzaunwortâ), vgl. dazu
noch siðr. â Diese erklĂ€rung durch die identitat von seið und seiðr
3 wird hinfĂ€llig, falls man von einem finn. ugr. worte ausgehen mĂŒsste;
deshalb wohl eher an eine uralte sprachgemeinschaft zu denkenâ. Seiðr
1 âm., vgl. seiðâ. Doesnât have sĂði. S.v. sĂða 2. âst.
V. âzauberei ĂŒbenâ, vgl. run. dĂ€ siĂŸi (3 PSg. PrĂ€s Konj., SkĂŠrn
2, c. 1000, Krause Nr. 81; vgl. aber Jacobsen-Moltke Sp. 712). â vgl.
seiðr 1. *De Vries, Jan, âWodan und die Wilde Jagdâ, Nachbarn: Jahrbuch
fĂŒr vergleichende Volkskunde (1963), pp. 31-59. De Vries, Jan, Nederlands Etymologisch Woordenboek (Leiden, 1971).
sv. elf âDe etymologie is niet geheel zeker. Het meest aannemelijk
is een afleiding uit de idg. wt. *albh âglanzen, wit zijnâ (*Wadstein,
Fschr Bugge 1892, 152 vlgg) en dan komt men tot een betekenis âwitte
nevelgestalteâ, vgl. de geografische names Albion en Alpes en verder
ohd. alba âinsectenlarveâ naast nnoorrw. alma âengerlingenâ.
Maar de reeds door A. Kuhn, KZ 4, 1855, 110 voorgestelde verninding
,et oi. rbhu [dot under r] âkunstvaardig, kunstenaar, naam van drie
mythologische wezensâ wordt tegenwoordig toch weer verdedigdâ. Check
pok too. DeGregario, Scott, âTheorizing Irony in Beowulf: The Case of Hrothgarâ,
Exemplaria, 11 (1999), 309â43. **Derolez, RenĂ©, Les Dieux et la Religion des Germains, trans. by
F. Cunen (Paris, 1962). âDerolez suggests a Celtic source for elves,
1962, p. 226, but without presenting any clear evidenceâ (Griffiths
1996, 47, n. 6) *Derolez, RenĂ©, âLa Divination chez les germainsâ, in La Divination,
ed by Andre Caquot and Marcel Leibovici (Paris, 1968), pp. 257â302. Derolez, RenĂ©, âGood and Bad Old Englishâ, in The History and
the Dialects of English: Festschrift for Eduard Kolb, ed. by Andreas
Fischer, Anglistische Forschungen, 203 (Heidelberg, 1989), pp. 91â102. Derolez, R., âAnglo-Saxon Glossography: A Brief Introductionâ,
in Anglo-Saxon Glossography: Papers Read at the International Conference
Held in the Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen Letteren en Schone
Kunsten van België, Brussels, 8 and 9 Sepetember 1986, ed. by R. Derolez
(Brussels, 1992), pp. 9-42. Mainly an âoh god, what a lot of problemsâ
article. âThe glossae collectae clearly represent an intermediate
stage between scattered interlinear glosses and alphabetical glossaries.
They were useful in the first place in conjunction with the text which
they were originally meant to elucidate as interlinear glosses, a typical
example being the third Cleopatra glossary. They could obviously be
used for the interlinear glossing of fresh copies of the same text,
but they also provided handy material for compilers of alphabetical
glossaries. Thus a large proportion of the Aldhelm [24] glossae collectae
in the third Cleopatra glossary are also found scattered over the first,
alphabetical glossaryâ (23-24). 26 top e.g.s of glosses deriving directly
(orally) from Hadrian. Nbs that Aldhelm much glosses in vernacular,
unlike Bede or Prudentius, e.g. (29). Aldhelm hard, she reckons. Derolez, RenĂ©, âLanguage Problems in Anglo-Saxon England: barbara
loquella and barbarismusâ, in Words, Texts and Manuscripts: Studies
in Anglo-Saxon Culture Presented to Helmut Gneuss on the Occasion of
his Sixty-Fifth Birthday, ed. by Michael Korhammer (Cambridge, 1992),
pp. 285â92. *Devlin, Judith, The Superstitious Mind: French Peasants and the
Supernatural in the Nineteenth Century (London, 1987) [SW5 198.c.98.131;
Anthrop K100.F8 DEEV] 1-42 on how little elite theology influenced popular
thought in C19. *Dexter, Miriam R., âIndo-European Reflections on Virginity and
Autonomyâ, Mankind Quarterly, 26 (1985), 57â74. Dickins, Bruce, âEnglish Names and Old English Heathenismâ, Essays
and Studies by Members of the English Association, 19 (1933), 148â60.
151ff. re personal names. Which I obviously skipped the first timeâŠ
âThis essay, which is from the nature of the case rather a summary
of results than an exhaustive survey of the subjectâŠâ (148 n.1).
â⊠the word [dweorg] is associated with denu in Dwarriden, WR. Yorks
(1335 Dweryden); cf. also Dwerryhouse in Eccleston, Lancs.â (156).
âAlden in Bury, Lancs. (1296 Alvedene), is perhaps, as Ekwall suggests,
from *ĂŠlfa denuâ (156). âScucca, or scucc-, is associated with
be(o)rh, hlžw, h(e)alh, and ĂŸorn, as in Shuckburgh, Warw. (DB. Socheberge),
cf. also Shugborough in Colwich, Staffs.; Shucklow Warren (now Warren
Farm) in Horwood, Bucks. (BCS. 264 of 792 Scuccanhlau); Scoughall, East
Lothian (1094 Scuchale); Shuckton Manor, Derbyshire, where the second
element was originally ĂŸorn. // The associated word in OE. scĂŹn, or
scinn(a) (cf. OHG. giscin), is used to render Latin portentum, fantasma,
prestigium, and demonium⊠Compounded with OE. clif the genitive plural
perhaps occurs in Shincliffe, co. Durham (c. 1125 Scinneclif)â (157).
âIn place-nams it [ent] is associated with dĂŹc and hlžw, as in to
ĂŠnta dĂc (KCD. 743 of 1026 dealing with Worthy, Hants). In on enta
hlew (BCS. 763 of 940 dealing with Polhampton in Overton, Hants) we
have the gnitive singular of a weak form; cf. on enta hléwe (KCD. 752
of 1033, which deals with the same place)â (158). âIt is very doubtful
if it [eoten] is recorded in place-names; eotan ford (BCS. 1119 of 963
dealing with Aston near Lilleshall, Salop) may contain the genitive
of a personal name Ăota. It is possibly the first element of Edinshall,
the broch in the parish of Duns, Berwickshire, though in Armstrongâs
map (1771) and in the Old Statistical Account (1792) this is called
âWoodenâs (Wodenâs or Odinâs) Hall or Castleâ (158). âIn
OE. it [ĂŸyrs] is found in composition with pytt in innon ĂŸone ĂŸyrs
pyt (BCS. 537 of c. 872 dealing with Marcliff in Bidford, Warw.); cf.
KCD. 289. In Lancashire place-names it is compounded with a number of
words for âvalleyâ, OE. denu and clĂČh [macron on o], as in Thursden
in Whalley (1324 Thirsedeneheued) and Thurescloch in Hindley, Wigan
(1267-8)â (159). Dickinsâ Bruceâ âYorkshire Hobsâ, Transactions of the Yorshire
Dialect Society 7 (1942), 9-23. [Ed. per. .42 Yor]. Whitelock 73n.:
âThe whole of this interesting and amusing paper is important for
studying the lingering of the belief in the ĂŸyrs and other monsters
in post-Conquest times.â [P768.d.1] Re creatures like nisseâ first
evidenced in England in Gervase of Tilbury (Otia Imperialia 3â 21)
as portuni in Englandâ neptuni in France; âboth names suggest they
were originally conceived of as water-demonsâ (9). According to Itinerary
through Wales Iâ 12â re son of an incubus and human mother â but
seems to come across as a good guy. âMaster Rypon of Durham (quoted
by Owst [g. R. Literature and the Pulpit in Medieval Englandâ 1933])
mentioned âa certain demonââin English Thrusâwhom Bromyard (a
Dominican who was Chancellor of te University of Cambridge in 1383)
calls Gerardâ who was wont to grind corn. But when some householder
gave him a new tunicâ and he put it onâ from that time onwards he
refused to grindâ saying in englishââSuld syche a proude grome
grynd corn?â that is to sayâ âNo!â Closely parallel are the
lines attributed to the Swedish tomte: âThe young spark is fine /
He dusts himself! / Nevermore will he sift.â // Bromyard again (British
Museum MS Royal 7 E ivâ f. 151vâ printed by Wrightâ p. 107) speaks
âde diaboloâ qui cum pro opere suo in mola manuali a patrefamilias
capam accepisset et capuciamâ bene agere cessabatâ dicens Angliceââ
âModo habeo capam et capuciamâ amplius bonum non faciam.â This
corresponds almost exactly with the imperfect couplet recorded from
County Durham: âA hamp and a hood! / Then Hobbie again âll dee nae
mair goodâ [11] and the rhymes ascribed to the hob at Sturfit Hallâ
Reethâ and the Cauld Lad of Hilton (infra p. 20)â (10-11). âThe
fullest account of the drudging Goblinâs activities is to be found
in The Mad Pranks and Merry Jests of Robin Good-fellowâ a chapbook
of which the earliest surviving edition is of 1628; it was reprinted
for the Percy Society in 1841â (11). âBetter recorded in Middle
English is the name Gerardââ with various refs. photocopy this. Dickinson, Tania M., âAn Anglo-Saxon âCunning Womanâ from Bidford-on-Avonâ,
in In Search of Cult: Archaeological Investigations in Honour of Philip
Rahtz, ed. by Martin Carver (Woodbridge: XXXX, 1993), pp. 45â54, repr.
in The Archaeology of Anglo-Saxon England: Basic Readings, ed. by Catherine
E. Karlov, Basic Readings in Anglo-Saxon England, 7/Garland Reference
Library of the Humanities, 2086 (London: XXXX, 1999), pp. 359â73.
Late C5~late C6 (45), part of cemetary. Bag, funny decoration, etc.
Cf. Meaney 1981, 249â62. âI would content that grave HB2 at Bidford-on-Avon
also represents such a âcunning womanâ. Indeed, the nature of her
possessions adds strength to the argument, for it does not rest solely
oupon having an âamulet-bagâ. In particular, the amuletic and âbadge-likeâ
bib with its bucket pendants independently suggests that this was the
grave of someone with special powers. Even the unusual âscalpel-likeâ
knife might have been designed for specific uses associated with her
craft. Discussion has thus not simply added another example to those
advanced by Meaney, but materially bolstered her hypothesis. There is
now a strong case for burials which may represent âcunning womenâ
to be investigated on a systematic and contextual, rathre than anecdotal,
basis, and for themes aluded to here, notably the connection between
women and drinking rituals, to be explored more fullyâ (53). Among
objects from/with a bag by the left hip is an antler cone, unparalleled,
perforated at wide end. âCould the Bidford cone symbolise a drinking
horn, an object-type which is otherwise apparently not represented among
the stock of Anglo-Saxon amulets? And if so, does it reinforce the possible
drinking symbolism of the miniature buckets and disc pendant? Or does
it simply provide, through its material, a prophylactic or allusion
to fertility or immortalityâ (52).Has one penannular and one small-long
brooch; âSuch penannulars, now known as Type G1, and the charactertistic
metal-type of early post-Roman (late 4th to 6th centuries) western Britainâ
(45). Hmm, wonder if thereâs any ethnic marking going on here? But
others seem exemplified in A-S burials. Dickinson, Tania M., âWhatâs New in Early Medieval Burial Archaeology?â,
Early Medieval Europe, 11 (2002), 71â87. âThe other major theme
to emerge from recent burial studies is not yet so fully articulated,
bu it is of growing importance. It concerns the way that social and
ideological messages are constructed through the placement of burials,
in a building or in the landscape. Indeed, as Spain illustrates, in
the Christianised lands of the western Mediterranean, [86] and further
north, where grave goods were not much used, this may have been the
key consideration. Where a burial wasâin relation to strategic points
of liturgical space, to a âfounderâ grave, to thresholds and routeways,
and to settlements of the livingâcould emit multiple and ambiguous
messages about relative privilege/superiority versus (in principle for
Christians) humility, and about commemoration of the lives of the dead
versus contemplation of the significance of death to the living. As
Galinié illustrates with reference to Tours, it is this which marks
the transition from a Romanized townscape, where the tradition of separating
the dead from the living is maintained, to the intermixed character
typical of medieval towns and many villagesâ (85â86). Dictionary of Old English s.v. Ädl, Ädle âAncient and medieval names of diseases are often not relatable to symptoms or considitions as described or diagnosed in modern medicine; see particularly sense 2. // 1. ailment, disease, illness, sicknessâ; â2. referring to specific diseases and ailmentsâ 2 âfigurative, of heresy and sinâ; â4. in anomalous glossesâ s.v. ĂŠlf, ylfe (pl.) [Gah!] âAtt. sp.: ĂŠlf || ĂŠlfe, ĂŠlue || ylfe (nom. pl.) || ylfa. With Lat. inflection: aelfae // Spellings in ĂŠ, in one ms (Royal 12.D.xvii) dated s.x med. and presumed to have been written at Winchester, were perhaps either influenced by WS personal names or borrowed from Anglian; expected lWS form is *ylf.â Defines as âelfâ. â2.b. as a place-name element, e.g. Ălfestun, BeorĂŠlfestunâ, hmm⊠s.v. ĂŠlf-Ädl âelf-disease (of uncertain nature)â s.v. ĂŠlf-cynn ârace of elves, referring to their supposed agency in bringing about some affliction; or perhaps referring to the affliction itselfâ s.v. ĂŠlfen just states what it glosses. But at end âmed elve(n, oed2 elves; cf. pne elfen [adj.] s.v. elfâ. s.v. ĂŠlfig, ylfig âafflicted in mind, maf, frantic; used as substantive, glossing Latinâ. Cfs OED2 giddy a. s.v. ĂŠlfisc âAtt. sp.: eluesce // |